产业集群竞争力外文翻译

产业集群竞争力外文翻译 英文文献资料(二) How do Industry Clusters Success: A Case Study in China’s Textiles and Apparel Industries Zhiming Zhang, Chester , & Ning Cao (Institute of Textiles and Clothing,The Hong Kong Polytechnic University) 3. Industry Clusters of Textiles and Apparel in China Industrial clustering is a new phenomenon in China. Only a few research started to pay attention to it in the 1990s. Wang (2001) described the development of some clusters in the coastal regions of China, and discussed their characteristics, including their localized network. He particularly examined the impact of accidental factor on the formation of clusters, and pointed out that the strength of the impact depended on the congruence of the sector choice, brought about by the accidental factor, with the natural advantages of the region and the rightness of the policy decision of the local government. Thus, the importance of government was emphasized. The first tier of the clusters existed in the late 1970s and early 1980s, when China was first open to the outside world. Taking the advantages of proximity and low labor cost, many Hong Kong textile and apparel companies invested in Pearl River delta, and there appeared a few clusters of textile and apparel firms. These clusters grew fast, as new investments also came from Taiwan and other places, and many local entrepreneurs emerged as well. These clusters include Shenzhen (though later much diluted as it is now one of the largest cities in China), Dongguan (similar to Shenzhen but to a less degree), Humen, Shaxi, and others. Closely following this, the economy in Yangtze River delta developed fast and became very dynamic. Many enterprises of collective ownership and of private ownership established and grew very fast. Many of them were textile and apparel firms. It was typical that these firms clustered together. Several reasons account for their fast growth: First, the entry barrier to the textile and apparel industry was very low in terms of capital and technology. For example, at the beginning, only one manually operated device to knit socks or just a few sewing machines were needed. At the same time, there was almost endless supply of cheap labor, who were farmers eager to leave the land. As the enterprises expanded, some shrewd entrepreneurs lured technicians and skilled labors who were retired from state-owned enterprises to work for them. These firms were most located in towns. The government granted very flexible policies for the growth and operation of these firms. They were much less restricted by the clumsy rules and regulations than the state-owned enterprises, for example, they did not have to offer the so called iron-bowl to their employees, and they had no burden of payments to retired employees. On the other hand, these firms were very sensitive and responsive to market changes. Thus, they were very competitive. Second, at that time China was just about to come out of the planned economy when there was insufficient supply of almost everything. Thus, there was never a lack of strong demand for such consumer goods as textiles and apparel. Along with this, little marketing and marketing skills were needed to sell the products. Third, as these firms were started by farmer-entrepreneurs in towns and even villages, they set examples and became models to others. Many times the latter just followed the footprints of the pioneers, starting with the same methods, making the same products, and selling in the same market. As villagers often belong to the same family, they did not view each other as competitors, and helped each other in terms of capital, technique, and even customers through the strong sense of kinship. These firms were the seeds of the industrial clusters of textiles and apparel. Now most of the clusters still distributed in the two areas: Pearl River delta and Yangtze River delta. The former is Guangdong province, and the latter Zhejiang province and southern part of Jiangsu province. These happen to be the most advanced regions in China, in coastal area, with the best infrastructure in information, communication, and transportation. As a matter of fact, most of the clusters are located either beside a highway or very close to a port. They are also very close to major cities, particularly Hong Kong, Guangzhou, and Shanghai. At present the structural development of the textile and apparel industry of China is characterized in two directions: one is a group of large companies based in large cities with capacity in marketing and product development, often operating supply chain regionally even globally; the other is a number of clusters of many small and medium sized firms based in small cities and towns, with featured products and vigorous growth (CNTIC, 2003). Thus, industrial clustering has become one of the two wings of the development of the textile and apparel industry in China. This demonstrates the importance of the clusters. 4. Case Observation We conducted an industry survey in one industrial cluster, which is a town, called Shengze, located in Wujiang county of Jiangsu province in eastern China. While Shengze had an early history of silk production, it was primarily of agriculture before the late 1970s when China started economic reforms. At that time, the size of the town was about 4 square kilometers with a population of 30,000. Since then, the town has seen enormous growth and become one of the 19 towns with special features designated by CNTIC, and one of the most important textile clusters in China. The focus of Shengze is fabric manufacturing, primarily light weighted fabrics for lining of apparel. Now the size of the town has expanded to 25 square kilo meters with a population of nearly 200,000, most of them migrants from other parts of the country. There are about 1,100 factories, operating about 50,000 looms, all of which are of water-jet or air-jet. It is said to be one of the largest concentration of such looms. The total yearly output is about RMB20 billion (US$2.5 billion). There are about 4,000 selling and buying offices located in the town. The business district of the town is full of such offices, which would impress any visitors to the town. And there is no sign of stopping of the fast growth. This is a qualitative and exploratory study, and in-depth interviews with town officials and entrepreneurs were used to collect information about the industrial cluster. Altogether 3 town officials (Vice Party Secretary of the town, Director of The Town Government Office, and Director of The Town Development Office) and 8 entrepreneurs were interviewed by structured means. During the interviews, in addition to the current situation of the cluster, the history of development was also investigated. Emphases were paid to the following questions: how is the cluster formed; to what degree does township government play a role, and to what degree do market forces promote the clustering; what is the advantages of clustering to the locality and to the enterprises; what are the interactive relationship among the enterprises within the cluster; what is the relationship between the cluster and the external market system; how does the cluster attract the servicing industries; and how does the clustering help the creation of new enterprises and new jobs. These questions have profound policy and marketing implications. Some of the findings to these questions are presented in this paper, with a focus on the origin and growth of the cluster. 4.1. Historical factors In accordance with the literature (Krugman, 1986), the development of Shengze into a light-fabric cluster was accidental, but on he other hand quite natural with a historical reason. Located in southern China with warm climate, fertile land and abundant water from nearby rivers and lakes, Shengze had been one of the silk centers in China for hundreds of years. Historically, residents of Shengze were skillful in silk production, and many workshops and silk-related businesses were located in Shengze. Merchants from all over the country would flock to Shengze for silk. Thus, it could be regarded as a silk cluster even then. However, as planned economy was established and no private business was allowed to exist, the silk center was reduced to nothing and Shengze was no more than an ordinary agricultural town in China. This was for about 3 decades until the late 1970s. By then, economic reforms began, and town residents were allowed to start their own businesses. For a few of them, the natural choice was to enter the silk business, since this was something they were relatively familiar with and the local conditions were suitable for. This was the origin of the cluster. 4.2. The Role of the Local Authority While the origin seemed to be natural and out of the plan of the local government, the government did play an important role in helping the cluster grow. Both government officials and entrepreneurs emphasized the importance of two measures taken by the local authority. The first one was the establishment of a market in its physical form. The Shengze government was sensitive to realize that the lack of a market had become the constraint on the development of the economic activities and a physical market was in demand. The government then financed and developed “The Oriental Silk Market”, which was like a mart and leased to various trading firms. This provided a platform, and tremendously stimulated the growth of businesses both in demand and supply. Later when this was no longer sufficient to hold all of the buying and selling offices, a new district was developed, which eventually expanded into an area which holds thousands of selling and buying offices. The other was the establishment of an industrial park, which is beside the provincial highway. The government provided the infrastructure in terms of road, water, electricity, and other basic conditions. This has created a good environment for manufacturing. While at the beginning, Shengze was only focused on silk production, very soon the enterprises broke the limits. As there was some similarity in technology between silk fabric and lightweight fabric, many of the firms expanded into the production of man-made fiber fabrics. Now even though Shengze is still known as a silk center, most of its looms are engaged in weaving of lightweight fabrics. 4.3. The Role of Individual Entrepreneurs During our interviews, we were very impressed with those entrepreneurs of Shengze. Many of them are local residents and previously were farmers. They demonstrated enormous spirit of risk taking, creativity, and willingness to learn from the market. One young entrepreneur started as a security guard, borrowed a little money to enter the business, then set up a small factory of his own. Now this has been expanded into a company, and just the weaving branch of it has capacity of 220 water-jet looms and 120 air-jet looms. He also exhibited outstanding leadership in organizing the local entrepreneurs to negotiate with Toyota of Japan. They collectively made the largest order ever in the world, 3,600 air-jet looms. In the process of his business expansion, he has helped numerous others to start their own business by loaning capital, sharing technology and market. These entrepreneurs help the development of Shengze as a cluster. 4.4. The Development of the peripheral Industries Shengze started with silk production. This was expanded into domestic trade of silk. Very soon light-weight fabric manufacturing began to develop. This further promoted the growth of trading. By then there seemed to be two wings of the town, one was enterprises of fabric manufacturing primarily clustered in the industrial park, one was the selling and buying offices of fabrics primarily clustered in the business district. As large amount of materials are needed, many yarn suppliers are attracted to come and set selling offices in Shengze. One of our interviewees was the owner of a trading company, headquartered in Hong Kong. The company imports man-made fibers from abroad, and sells these fibers to fabric weavers through its selling office here. Textile machine companies, both domestic and foreign, also set up offices in Shengze to sell machines and machine parts, and to provide services to the fabric manufacturers. It is said that none of the plants would keep any spare parts. If a belt is broken, even at midnight, a new one can be ordered and delivered in less than 20 minutes. These have significantly lowered the production costs, and are part of the external economies of the industrial clusters. As Shengze has become a fabric center, showrooms and selling offices of other fabrics, such as denim, are also set up in Shengze. 4.5. Workforce Supply As the cluster grows and enterprises mushroom, large labor supply is needed. In his process the former agriculture town was totally transformed. Most of the land was turned into industrial uses, and all farmers are now employed in manufacturing. As the population of Shengze enlarges several folds (from about 30,000 to 200,000) in the last two decades, many migrants are attracted to live and work here. Most of the people were peasants and come from other provinces. While the neighboring Anhui province, which is relatively backward in economic development, provides a large portion of the labor supply, many workers come from remote provinces. They have formed nearly endless supply of cheap labor, and made great contribution to the development of the cluster. A large proportion of the labor supply is uneducated and unskilled. As there are many operational jobs, the raw labor could be trained in a short period time and then be able to work. Thus, the cluster in return also makes direct contribution to employment and indirect contribution to economic development of the less advanced regions of the country. However, there is a shortage of skilled labor. Compared to other places, labor compensation is better, as an operator can make about RMB1,500 (about US$180) per month. In other places, the prevalent wage rate is about RMB1,000 per month. 5. Conclusive Remarks In this paper, the development of industrial clustering of textiles and apparel in China is investigated. As a result of economic reforms and development, some characteristics of the textile and apparel industrial clusters are described. One particular cluster, Shengze which is famous for its silk and light-weight fabric, is used as a case to exemplify the growth of clusters. The empirical factors taken into account the cluster performance include the historical and natural origin, the role of the local government, the role of entrepreneurs, the development of supporting industries, and the supply of labor. During the past two decades in the process of development, the cluster not only grows in terms of quantity (number and scale of enterprises) but also in terms of quality (equipment, products, variety, marketing, and management). In the early when Shengze started to take off, factories used outdated facilities and equipment. Many of the machines used were those retired from state-owned plants. Over the years, as the enterprises grow, these machines have been gradually replaced by advanced ones. Now about 50,000 water-jet and air-jet looms are operating in Shengze, many of them are imported from abroad and are the most advanced models. Many of the companies in Shengze export fabrics to the international market. Not only do they receive order from abroad, some of them have set up offices in North America and Europe. They market their products initiatively, and obtain the most updated information on marketing and products. While most of the companies started as a family business, now many of them are managed professionally by University graduates with MBA and PhD. Many companies have well-established systems and met with international compliance standards and requirements, like ISO9000 certificates. Thus, many of the enterprises have changed from the old-fashioned township companies into modern corporation-type companies. It can be anticipated that these clusters will continue to contribute to the growth of the economy and industrial development of the country. (二) 英文文献中文翻译 来源:纺织与服装，技术与管理杂志 (JTATM)Vol.4 第2期 2004年 作者:张志明 切斯特 曹宁 出版时间:2004年8月 产业集群是如何成功: 中国纺织和服装工业产业集群成功的案例研究 (港) 张志明 切斯特 曹宁 3.在中国纺织品和服装产业集群 产业集群在中国是一个新现象。在20世纪90年代，只有少数研究开始关注产业集群这一现象。王缉慈(2001年)描述了中国沿海地区的一些集群的发展，并讨论了各自的特点，包括他们的本地化网络。他特别研究了偶然因素对集群形成的影响，并指出影响的强度取决于偶然因素导致的产业选择的一致性，以及该地区的天然优势，和当地政府行之有效的政策。因此，政府的重要性得到了强调。 第一波产业集群起源于中国第一次对外开放的20世纪70年代末和80年代初。凭借者邻近港口和低廉的劳动力成本优势，许多香港纺织及服装公司在珠江三角洲的投资，并出现几个集群的纺织服装公司。这些集群快速增长，吸引了台湾的资本家，许多当地企业家也出现了。这些集群包括深圳(它是目前中国最大的城市之一)，东莞(类似深圳，但程度较低)，虎门、沙溪等。 值得关注的是，长江三角洲的经济快速发展，活力四射。许多集体和私人所有企业逐渐建立，增长迅速。很多都是纺织和服装公司，它们的聚集成为一种典型。以下是集群企业快速增长的原因:首先，在资金和技术方面，纺织和服装行业的进入壁垒非常低。例如，在开始时，只需要一个手动操作装置来针织袜或几台缝纫机。与此同时，急于离开土地的农民为纺织行业的发展提供了源源不断的廉价劳动力。随着企业的扩大，一些精明的企业家雇用从国企退休的技术人员和熟练劳动力。这些企业大部分位于城镇。政府对这些企业的发展和运作采取非常灵活的政策。他们比国有企业少受笨拙规则和法规的限制，例如，他们并不需要和国企一样必须给自己的员工提供所谓的铁碗，他们没有支付离退休职工的负担。另一方面，这些企业对市场的变化非常敏感。因此，显得非常有竞争力。其次，当时中国处于计划经济时代，几乎所有的供应都不足。因此，纺织品和服装等消费品的需求强劲。同时，配合一定的营销手段和营销技巧来销售产品。第三，因为这些企业都是城镇甚至乡村的农民企业家建立起来的，他们以身作则，成为了他人学习的榜样。后来的企业家纷纷开始效仿，用相同的方法，同样的产品，在同一市场上出售。由于村民往往来自同一个家庭，因而他们并没有把对方作为竞争对手，并在资金，技术方面帮助对方，甚至可以通过强烈的人脉关系为对方扩大客源。 这些企业是纺织服装产业集群的根源。现在大部分的产业集群主要分布在这两个地区:珠江三角洲和长江三角洲。前者是广东省，后者是浙江省和江苏省的南部地区。这些发生在中国最先进的地区在沿海，具具备完善的信息，通信和运输等方面的基础设施。事实上，大多数集群位于公路旁或非常靠近港口。同时，这些集群也很接近主要城市，特别是香港，广州和上海。 目前，中国纺织和服装行业的结构发展特点表现为两个方向:一个是基于大城市的大型企业集团，具有营销和产品开发能力，往往能提供经营区域，甚至全球的供应链;另一种是许多基于小城镇的中小型企业集群，具有特色产品并发展迅速。(中国技术进出口总公司， 2003年)。因此，产业集群现已成为在中国的纺织和服装行业发展的两翼之一。 4.案例分析 我们对位于中国东部的江苏省吴江县的小镇盛泽进行了产业集群的行业调查。盛泽的丝绸生产的历史悠久，其农业兴起于中国开始经济改革的20世纪70年代末。当时的盛泽只是一个占地约4平方公里，人口30000的小镇。自那以后，盛泽镇突飞猛进，发展迅速，一跃成为由中国技术进出口总公司指定的独具特色的19个小镇之一，并发展为中国最重要的纺织集群之一。盛泽的重点是面料生产，主要是做服装衬里的情面料。而现在盛泽镇的规模已扩大到25平方公里，人口近20万，其中大部分移民来自全国其他地区。全镇大约有1100工厂，约50,000喷水或喷气织机。这据说是最大的织布机聚集之一。总的年产量约200亿元人民币(25亿美元)。大约有4000个可供出售和购买的办公室设在该镇。镇的商业区，遍布了如此多的办事处，无疑给来这里的游客留下了深刻印象。基于此，盛泽镇并没有止步不前的迹象，它仍将不断前行。 这是一个定性和探索性研究，并对城市官员和企业家进行了深入访谈，用于收集有关产业集群的信息。共有3镇官员(副镇党委书记，镇政府办公室主任，和城市发展处处长)和8个企业家接受了访谈。在访谈中，除了集群当前的形势分析外，发展的历史也被列入调查项目。访谈重点基于如下问 题 快递公司问题件快递公司问题件货款处理关于圆的周长面积重点题型关于解方程组的题及答案关于南海问题 :集群是如何形成的，乡镇政府发挥了怎样的作用，以及市场力量如何推动集群的形成;什么是地方和企业的集群优势;集群内企业之间的互动关系;集群和外部的市场体系之间的关系是什么;集群如何吸引服务行业;和集群如何帮助创建新企业和新的就业机会。这些问题深受政策和市场营销的影响。本文注重集群的起源和发展。 4.1.历史因素 根据相关文献(克鲁格曼，1986)显示，盛泽轻薄面料的集群发展是偶然的，但很大程度上也基于历史因素的影响。位于中国的南部，气候温和，土地肥沃，附近河流和湖泊丰富的水资源，这些得天独厚的自然资源使盛泽数百年来一直为中国的丝绸中心之一。从历史的角度分析，盛泽的居民具有熟练精湛的丝绸生产技术，许多纺织车间和丝绸相关业务也在盛泽聚集。来自全国各地的商人纷纷涌向盛泽丝绸。因此，当时的盛泽就可以被视为一个丝绸集群。但是，随着计划经济的建立，限制了民营企业的发展，盛泽的丝绸中心逐渐衰退，盛泽也变成了一个中国再普通不过的农业镇。这阶段持续了约三十年，直到20世纪70年代末。那时，经济体制改革开始，城镇居民允许建立自己的企业。而对于当地的居民，自然选择变是进入他们所熟悉的丝绸企业，而且当地的条件适合丝绸业发展。这便是集群的起源。 4.2.地方政府的作用 虽然集群的起源主要基于历史因素，并脱离了当地政府的计划，但政府确实在促进集群成长方面发挥了重要作用。政府官员和企业家都强调了地方当局采取的两项措施的重要性。 第一项是建立一个有形市场。盛泽的政府敏感地意识到，缺乏市场已成为发展的经济活动和有形市场需求的约束。政府资助和开发的“东方丝绸市场”，类似于一个集市，租赁给各种贸易公司。这就提供了一个平台，并极大地刺激了需求和供给两方面的贸易增长。后来，当这已不再足以容纳所有的购买和销售办事处时，一个新的地区发展起来，最终扩大成能容纳拥上千个销售和采购办事处的贸易中心。 另一项是在省道旁边建立一个工业园区。政府投资了包括道路，供水，电力和其他基本条件在内的基础设施。这为企业的发展创造了一个良好的生产环境。一开始，盛泽集中生产丝绸，但很快企业打破了业务限制。由于一些丝绸面料和轻质面料之间在技术方面存在相似性，许多公司变将业务扩大到生产人造纤维织物。现在虽然盛泽仍然是丝绸中心，但其大部分织机从事轻薄面料的针织工作。 4.3.个人企业家的作用 在采访中，我们对盛泽的企业家印象深刻。他们中的许多都是当地居民并且以前是农民。 他们表现出巨大的冒险，创造精神，并且愿意向市场学习。一位年轻的企业家从一名保安员做起，借了一点钱进入企业，然后建立一个自己的小工厂。工厂现已扩大到为公司，其织造分公司就有220台喷水织机和120台喷气织机。同时，他表现出卓越的领导才能，组织当地企业家日本丰田洽谈。他们共同创造了世界上最大的订单——3600喷气织机。在业务扩张的过程中，他通过资金资助，分享技术和市场，已帮助无数人创业。这些企业家促进了盛泽产业集群的发展。 4.4.周边产业的发展 盛泽从丝绸生产开始，逐步扩大到国内的丝绸贸易。紧接着，轻薄面料生产开始发展起来。这又进一步推动了贸易的增长。到那时，小镇的发展依靠两个方面:一个是主要集中在工业园区的面料制造企业，另一个是销售及购买主要集中在商业区的面料办事处。由于需要大量原材料，许多纱线供应商都慕名前来，并在盛泽销售办事处。我们的受访者之一，就是总部设在香港的一家贸易公司的所有者。该公司从国外进口人造纤维，通过其销售办事处销售这些纤维织物给织布工。国内和国外的纺织机械公司也在盛泽设立了办事处，出售机器和机器零件，为面料厂商提供服务。据说，盛泽没有工厂会配备零部件的备件。因为如果皮带断了，即使在午夜，在20分钟内你就可订单并完成交接。这些大大降低了生产成本，是产业集群的外部经济一部分。由于盛泽已经成为了面料中心、陈列室和销售办事处，其他面料，如牛仔布的生产销售也设置在盛泽。 4.5.劳动力供应 作为集群的增长和企业的迅速成长，需要大量的劳动力供给。在这个过程中，以前的农业镇发生了翻天覆地的变化。大部分土地变成工业用途，所有的农民现在受雇于制造业。随着过去20年盛泽人口的数倍扩大，(从约3万到20万)，许多移民被吸引到这里生活和工作。很大一部分是来自外省的农民。经济相对退后发展的邻省安徽为盛泽提供了很多一部分的劳动力供给，许多工人来自边远省份。他们已经形成了近乎无限供应的廉价劳动力，为集群的发展做出了巨大贡献。这其中很大一部分劳动力供给是没有受过教育的和非熟练工人。由于纺织行业有许多操作性工作，所以劳动力需要进行短暂的 培训 焊锡培训资料ppt免费下载焊接培训教程 ppt 下载特设培训下载班长管理培训下载培训时间表下载 后才能工作。因此，集群反过来既直接促进了就业，又间接对中国欠发达地区的经济发展作出了贡献。然而，熟练劳动力相对短缺。与其他地方相比，劳动报酬较高，最为一个操作工每月1500元，(约180美元)左右。在其他地方，普遍工资率约1000元人民币。