美国国家军事战略报告2011-中文翻译

1 I. Introduction. 简介 The ongoing shifts in relative power and increasing interconnectedness in the international order indicate a strategic inflection point. This requires America’s foreign policy to employ an adaptive blend of diplomacy, development, and defense. While the strength of our military will continue to underpin national security, we must continuously adapt our approaches to how we exercise power. Leadership is how we exercise the full spectrum of power to defend our national interests and advance international security and stability. 在相对功率，提高在国际秩序中相互关联的变化 表 关于同志近三年现实表现材料材料类招标技术评分表图表与交易pdf视力表打印pdf用图表说话 pdf 明正在进行的战略转折点。这需要美国的外交政策， 聘请了自适应融合外交，发展和国防。虽然我们的军事实力将继续巩固国家安全，我们必须不断调整 我们的 方法 快递客服问题件处理详细方法山木方法pdf计算方法pdf华与华方法下载八字理论方法下载 ，我们如何行使权力。领导是我们如何行使权力的全方位保卫我们的国家利益和促进国际 安全与稳定。 Our Nation’s security and prosperity are inseparable. They are sustained by our values and leadership in the international order. In this interdependent world, the enduring interests of the United States are increasingly tied to those of other state and non-state actors. The complexity of this global system and the challenges therein demand that we – the Joint Force – think anew about how we lead. 我们国家的安全和繁荣是分不开的。他们是我们的价值观和持续在国际秩序中的领导地位。在这个相 互依存的世界中，美国的长期利益越来越依赖于其他国家和非国家行为者。这一全球体系内的复杂性 和面临的挑战要求我们 -联合部队-重新思考我们如何领先。 Leadership is how we exercise the full 领导我们如何行使弥 In support of our civilian-led foreign policy, this spectrum of power to strategy acknowledges the need for military defend our national leadership that is redefined for an increasingly interests and advance complex strategic environment. Our leadership will international security emphasize mutual responsibility and respect. and stability. Accomplishing this strategy will require a full spectrum of direct and indirect leadership approaches – facilitator, enabler, convener, and guarantor – sometimes simultaneously. 在我们的平民主导外交政策的支持，这个力量到战略频谱承认军事保卫我们的国家领导，是一个日益 复杂的战略利益和推动环境需要重新定义。我们的领导层将国际安全的责任，强调相互尊重。与稳定。 完成这一战略将需要大量的直接和间接领导方式的全方位-调解人，推动者，召集人，担保人- 有时同 时进行。 Leveraging our capabilities and forward presence, we must play a supporting role in facilitating U.S. government agencies and other organizations’ efforts to advance our Nation’s interests. In some cases, we will serve in an enabling capacity to help other nations achieve security goals that can advance common interests. As a convener, our relationships, values, and military capabilities provide us, often uniquely, with the ability to bring others together to help deepen security ties between them and cooperatively address common security challenges. Lastly, we will be prepared to act as security 2 guarantor – preferably with partners and allies, but alone if necessary – to deter and defeat acts of aggression. For all of these leadership approaches, we will pursue wider and more constructive partnerships. 凭借我们的能力和前沿存在，我们必须在促进美国政府机构和其他组织的努力来推进我们国家的利益支撑作 用。在某些情况下，我们将在一个有利的服务能力，以帮助其他国家实现安全目标，可以促进共同利益。作为 召集人，我们的关系，价值观，为我们提供的军事能力，常独特，有能力把其他人一起，以帮助它们之间的关 系，深化安全合作应对共同安全挑战。最后，我们将准备作为安全的保证-最好的合作伙伴和盟友，但如果有必 要单独-遏制和挫败侵略行为。对于这些领导方法，我们将追求更广泛，更建设性的伙伴关系。 Let us not forget, the Nation remains at war abroad to defend against and defeat threats to our homeland. Our foremost priority is the security of the American people, our territory, and our way of life. In the current operational environment, this means each component of our Joint Force will remain aligned to achieve success in our ongoing campaign in Afghanistan and security cooperation efforts with Pakistan, and against violent extremism worldwide. We must continue to prevent attacks against the United States and its allies, strengthen international and regional security, and be prepared to deter and defeat aggression that would undermine international stability as we fight these campaigns. 让我们不要忘记，这个国家仍处于战争状态国外抵御和战胜威胁我们的家园。我们的当务之急是美国人民，我 们的领土，我们的生活方式的安全。在目前的经营环境，这意味着我们的联合部队的每个部分将继续保持一致 来实现的，全球范围内打击暴力极端主义运动，在我们正在进行的阿富汗和巴基斯坦的安全与合作的努力取得 成功。我们必须继续防止针对美国及其盟国，加强国际和地区安全的袭击，并准备制止和打败侵略，将破坏国 际稳定，我们打击这些活动。 We must carefully manage the impact of the wars on our military – especially our people – and shape our military for the future. Defense budget projections indicate that leaders must continue to plan for and make difficult choices between current and future challenges. We underestimate at our peril the stresses of sustained combat operations on our equipment and people. Likewise, potential adversaries who underestimate our continued military strength and will to protect our national interests do so at their peril. 我们必须谨慎处理的战争对我军的影响 -尤其是我们的人 -和塑造我们对未来的军队。国防预算预测表明，领 导人必须继续规划，使当前和未来的挑战，困难的选择。我们低估了我们的危险在作战行动的持续胁迫对我们 的设备和人员。同样，谁低估了我们持续不断的军事实力和意愿保护我们的国家利益做这么危险的潜在对手。 II. Strategic Environment. 战略环境。 Overview – The United States remains the world’s preeminent power, even as a growing number of state and non-state actors exhibit consequential influence. This changing distribution of power indicates evolution to a "multi-nodal" world characterized more by shifting, interest-driven coalitions based on diplomatic, military, and economic power, than by rigid security competition between opposing blocs. There are global and regional powers exhibiting nationalism and assertiveness that tests our partners’ resilience and 3 U.S. leadership. There exist in Asia two rising global powers and a large number of consequential regional powers. The Middle East features a number of emerging and influential regional powers. Dynamics in Asia and the Middle East, in particular, may challenge regional stability. 概述 - 美国仍是世界上最杰出的力量，甚至作为一个国家和非国家行为者表现出相应的影响力越来越多。这 种权力的分布变化表明演进到“多节点”世界转移的特点，利益驱动的联盟为基础的外交，军事和经济力量，比 对立集团的竞争更加严格的安全。有全球和地区大国的民族主义和自信的表现，测试我们的合作伙伴的韧性和 美国的领导。存在两个在亚洲不断增长的全球权力和相应的地区大国的大量。中东的特点是在新兴市场和影响 力的地区大国数目。动态亚洲和中东地区，特别是可能挑战地区稳定。 This changing distribution of power indicates evolution to a "multi-nodal" world characterized more by shifting, interest-driven coalitions based on diplomatic, military, and economic power, than by rigid security competition between opposing blocs. 这种权力的分布变化表明演进到“多节点”世界转移的特点，利益驱动的联盟为基础的外交，军事和经济力量， 比对立集团的竞争更加严格的安全。 Demographic Trends – The world will become more populated and urbanized. Global population will increase by approximately 1.2 billion and there will be more than a billion new urban dwellers by 2025. Most population growth will occur in the developing world. Conversely, in Europe and parts of Asia, populations are projected to decline and age with long term impacts to the global share of their economic output. Population growth and urbanization in the Middle East, Africa, and South Central Asia will contribute to increased water scarcity and may present governance challenges. The uncertain impact of global climate change combined with increased population centers in or near coastal environments may challenge the ability of weak or developing states to respond to natural disasters. 人口趋势 - 世界将变得更加人口和城市化。全球人口将增加约1.2亿元，到2025年将有超过一亿元的新城市居 民更多。大多数人口增长将发生在发展中国家。相反，在欧洲和亚洲部分地区，人口预计将下降，并就其经济 产出的长期影响全球市场份额的年龄。人口增长和在中东，非洲，中亚和南亚的城市化将有助于提高水资源短 缺和可能存在的治理挑战。全球气候与人口增长相结合中心内或附近沿海环境的变化不确定的影响，可能挑战 的能力弱或发展中国家应对自然灾害。 Prosperity and Security – The United States will remain the foremost economic and military power for the foreseeable future, though national debt poses a significant national security risk. Asia will increase its regional share of global wealth. Though it faces a number of domestic challenges, continuation of China’s decades-long economic growth is expected to facilitate its continued military modernization and expansion of its interests within and beyond the region. Other states in Asia, too, are becoming more militarily capable as they grow more prosperous. NATO will remain the most powerful military alliance, though some of its states are reducing defense spending as part of broader austerity measures. These reductions may impact partner nations’ contributions to our collective security. Energy-state relationships will intersect 4 geopolitical concerns as state-run companies will control an increasing share of the world's hydrocarbon resources and the persistent challenge of resource scarcity may overlap with territorial disputes. 繁荣与安全- 美国将继续在可预见的未来最重要的经济和军事实力，但国债构成了重大的国家安全风 险。亚洲将增加其在全球财富地区的份额。虽然面临着国内挑战人数，中国的几十年之久的经济增长 预计将继续促进其持续的军事现代化和在区域内外的利益扩张。亚洲其他国家，也正在变得越来越军 事能力，他们变得更加繁荣。北约仍将是最强大的军事联盟，虽然它的一些州正在减少作为更广泛的 紧缩措施的一部分国防开支。这些削减可能会影响伙伴国家的贡献对我们的集体安全。能源作为国家 的关系将相交国营公司控制的地缘政治担忧将是世界上油气资源份额不断增加和资源的稀缺性与持 续性的挑战可能重叠的领土争端.. Weapons of Mass Destruction – The intersection between states, state-sponsored, and non-state adversaries is most dangerous in the area of WMD proliferation and nuclear terrorism. In Asia, North Korea’s nuclear capability and potentially unstable transition of power poses a risk to regional stability and international non-proliferation efforts. In the Middle East, a nuclear armed Iran could set off a cascade of states in the region seeking nuclear parity or increased conventional capabilities; that could lead to regional conflict. The prospect of multiple nuclear armed regimes in the Middle East with nascent security and command and control mechanisms amplifies the threat of conflict, and significantly increases the probability of miscalculation or the loss of control of a nuclear weapon to non-state actors. 大规模杀伤性武器 - 国家之间的交叉口，国家资助的，以及非国家对手是最有大规模杀伤性武器扩 散和核恐怖主义领域的危险。在亚洲，朝鲜的核能力和潜在的不稳定的权力过渡对区域稳定和国际防 扩散努力的风险。在中东，拥有核武器的伊朗可能掀起寻求核均势或增加常规能力的国家级联地区， 这可能导致地区冲突。多个核武装政权在中东的安全与新生，指挥和控制机制的前景放大了冲突的威 胁，并显着提高了计算错误的概率或核武器失去控制向非国家行为者。 Global Commons and Globally Connected Domains – Assured access to and freedom of maneuver within the global commons – shared areas of sea, air, and space – and globally connected domains such as cyberspace are being increasingly challenged by both state and non-state actors. Non-state actors such as criminal organizations, traffickers, and terrorist groups find a nexus of interests in exploiting the commons. States are developing anti-access and area-denial capabilities and strategies to constrain U.S. and international freedom of action. These states are rapidly acquiring technologies, such as missiles and autonomous and remotely-piloted platforms that challenge our ability to project power from the global commons and increase our operational risk. Meanwhile, enabling and war-fighting domains of space and cyberspace are simultaneously more critical for our operations, yet more vulnerable to malicious actions. The space environment is becoming more congested, contested, and competitive. Some states are conducting or condoning cyber intrusions that foreshadow the growing threat in this globally connected domain. The cyber threat is expanded and exacerbated by lack of international norms, difficulties of attribution, low barriers to entry, and the relative ease 5 of developing potent capabilities. 全球共享资源，全球网络相连的领域 - 保险人进入和在全球机动自由的百科全书 - 海，空，天共享 区 - 与全球网络相连，如网络空间正日益受到国家和非国家行为者的挑战域。如犯罪组织，贩毒和 恐怖组织的非国家行为者找到一个在开发下议院利益关系。国家正在制定反介入和区域封锁能力和战 略，以限制美国和国际行动的自由。这些国家正在快速获得，如导弹，自治区和遥控驾驶平台，挑战 我们的能力，本项目由全球公权力和加强我们的经营风险技术。同时，启用和作战空间和网络空间领 域的同时更适合我们的行动的关键，但更容易受到恶意行为。空间环境变得更加拥挤，有争议的，有 竞争力。一些州正在实施或者纵容网络攻击事件预示着在这个全球网络相连的领域越来越大的威胁。 扩展的网络威胁和国际准则，归属困难，低进入壁垒，以及制定有效的缓解能力相对缺乏加剧。 Non-state Actors – State-sponsored and non-state actors complicate deterrence and accountability by extending their reach through advanced technologies that were once solely the domain of states. They are using technology to coordinate and operate globally to spread extremist ideologies and attack the United States and our allies. States with weak, failing, and corrupt governments will increasingly be used as a safe haven for an expanding array of non-state actors that breed conflict and endanger stability, particularly in Africa and the broader Middle East. Terrorists, criminal networks, and pirates undermine the rule of law, perpetuate and accelerate violence in the international system, and challenge states’ ability to respond. 非国家行动者- 国家资助和非国家行为者复杂化延伸到了以前完全由各国自己的先进技术领域达到 威慑和问责制。他们利用技术来协调和运作在全球范围内传播极端主义思想和攻击美国及其盟国。国 弱，失败和腐败的政府将越来越多地被用来作为安全避难所的非国家行为者滋生冲突和危及稳定，特 别是在非洲，扩大数组和更广泛的中东地区。恐怖分子的犯罪网络，海盗破坏法治，维持和促进在国 际体系中的暴力行为，并挑战各国的反应能力。 III. Enduring National Interests and National Military Objectives. 持久的国家利益和国家军事目标。 U.S. foreign policy and the international security architecture must continue to adapt to this dynamic security environment. The 2010 National Security Strategy reaffirmed America’s commitment to retaining its global leadership role and defined our enduring national interests: 美国的外交政策和国际安全体系结构必须不断适应这种动态的安全环境。 2010年国家安全战略重申 美国的承诺，保持其全球领导作用，并定义了我们的长期的国家利益： 　 The security of the United States, its citizens, and U.S. allies and partners; 　 A strong, innovative and growing U.S. economy in an open international economic system that promotes opportunity and prosperity; 　 Respect for universal values at home and around the world; and 　 An international order advanced by U.S. leadership that promotes peace, security, and opportunity through stronger cooperation to meet global challenges. 6 •在美国，其公民，和美国的盟友和伙伴的安全; •在一个开放的国际经济体系，促进机会和繁荣的强大，创新和增长的美国经济; •尊重在国内和世界各地的普遍价值观; •先进的国际秩序是由美国领导的促进和平，安全，并通过加强合作机遇，迎接全球性挑战。 The 2010 Quadrennial Defense Review (QDR) took an important step towards institutionalizing reform in the Defense Department and rebalancing the urgent needs of today with preparation for future challenges. The QDR also defined the main elements of U.S. force structure and provided a construct for sizing and shaping the Joint Force to accomplish the Nation’s defense objectives. The Nuclear Posture Review addressed these areas with respect to nuclear forces. 2010年四年防务评估 报告 软件系统测试报告下载sgs报告如何下载关于路面塌陷情况报告535n,sgs报告怎么下载竣工报告下载 （四年防务评估）采取迈向 制度 关于办公室下班关闭电源制度矿山事故隐患举报和奖励制度制度下载人事管理制度doc盘点制度下载 化的国防部改革和重新平衡与未来挑战的 准备，今天的迫切需求的一个重要步骤。与QDR还确定美国人口结构的主要内容，并提供了建设和 塑造上浆联合部队来完成国家的防御目标。核态势审查报告和关于核力量的这些领域。 The NSS and QDR guide the establishment of our National Military Objectives: 　 Counter Violent Extremism 　 Deter and Defeat Aggression 　 Strengthen International and Regional Security 　 Shape the Future Force 新高中和QDR指导我们的国家军事目标的建立： •反暴力极端主义 •阻止和挫败侵略 •加强国际和区域安全 •塑造未来部队 In pursuing these objectives, America’s Joint Force makes critical contributions to U.S. leadership and national security. The United States, allies, and our partners will often compete with others for influence in an environment where persistent tension is the norm.In conjunction with U.S. diplomatic efforts, we seek to prevent this tension from escalating into conflict. This requires resolve, and ability to project decisive military power. 在实现这些目标，美国的联合部队，使美国的领导和国家安全的重要贡献。美国，盟国和我们的合作 伙伴往往会在竞争的环境下持续紧张是与美国的外交努力norm.In一起影响他人，我们力求避免冲突 7 升级到这种紧张。这需要决心，有能力的项目决定性的军事能力。 However, military power alone is insufficient to fully address the complex security challenges we face. Military power and our Nation’s other instruments of statecraft are more effective when applied in concert. Trends in the strategic environment do not suggest this will change. In this multi-nodal world, the military’s contribution to American leadership must be about more than power – it must be about our approach to exercising power. And regardless of our leadership approach, we must always demonstrate our core values through the persuasive power of example. 然而，仅凭军事力量不足以完全解决我们面临复杂的安全挑战。军事实力和我们国家的治国之道的其 他文书时，演唱会更有效的应用。在战略环境趋势不建议这种情况将会改变。在这种多节点的世界里， 军队的贡献，美国领导层必须对超过电源 - 它必须对我们的方法来行使权力。也不管我们的领导方 法，我们必须始终表现出通过榜样的说服力，我们的核心价值观。 A. Counter Violent Extremism. 反暴力极端主义。 There are no more vital interests than the security of the American people, our territory, and our way of life. This is why we are at war in South Central Asia, the epicenter of violent extremism. Afghanistan is where al Qaida, given sanctuary by the Taliban, planned the attacks that murdered more than 3,000 innocent people on 11 September 2001. Al Qaida senior leadership remains in Pakistan and intends to continue to attack the United States, allies, and our partners. 有比美国人民，我们的领土，我们的生活方式没有更多的切身利益的安全。这就是为什么我们在南中 亚，暴力极端主义战争的震中。基地组织在阿富汗，由于塔利班的避难所，有 计划 项目进度计划表范例计划下载计划下载计划下载课程教学计划下载 的攻击，杀害2001 年9月11日3000多名无辜人民。基地组织的高层领导仍然在巴基斯坦，并打算继续攻击美国，盟国和 我们的合作伙伴。 The Nation’s strategic objective in this campaign is to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaida and its affiliates in Afghanistan and Pakistan and prevent their return to either country. Success requires the Joint Force to closely work with NATO, our coalition partners, Afghanistan, and Pakistan. We will continue to erode Taliban influence, work with the Afghan government to facilitate reintegration and reconciliation of former insurgents, continue to strengthen the capacity of Afghan security forces, and enable Pakistan to ultimately defeat al Qaida and its extremist allies. 全国在这场大选中的战略目标是破坏，摧毁和击败在阿富汗和巴基斯坦的基地组织及其附属公司及阻 止他们返回到两个国家。成功需要联合部队与北约紧密合作，我们的联盟伙伴，阿富汗和巴基斯坦。 我们将继续削弱塔利班与阿富汗政府的影响力，努力促进重返社会和前叛乱分子和解，继续加强对阿 富汗安全部队的能力，使巴基斯坦，最终击败基地组织及其极端主义盟友。 8 The threat of violent extremism is not limited to South Central Asia. Groups such as Al Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula, Al Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb, al-Shabaab, Lashkar-e-Tayyiba, and others emanate from Somalia, Yemen, and elsewhere around the globe. Terrorists’ abilities to remotely plan and coordinate attacks is growing, sometimes facilitated by global illicit trafficking routes, extending their operational reach while rendering targeting of their sanctuaries more difficult. Undeterred by the complexity of terrorist networks and in concert with our Allies and partners, we will be prepared to find, capture, or kill violent extremists wherever they reside when they threaten interests and citizens of America and our allies. 对暴力极端主义的威胁不仅限于南亚中亚。如基地组织在阿拉伯半岛基地组织在伊斯兰马格里布报青 年党，拉什卡塔伊巴组，以及其他源自索马里，也门和其他世界各地。恐怖分子的能力，远程规划和 协调越来越多的攻击，有时是全球非法贩运路线的推动下，扩大它们的业务达到了他们的避难所，而 渲染目标更加困难。的恐怖主义网络的复杂性，并与我们的盟国和伙伴演唱会气馁，我们将准备找到， 捕获或杀死暴力极端主义分子在任何地方居住时，他们的利益和威胁美国及其盟国的公民。 While such operations disrupt in the short-term, they cannot be decisive and do not constitute a viable long-term strategy for combating extremism. We must continue to support and facilitate whole-of-nation approaches to countering extremism that seek and sustain regional partnerships with responsible states to erode terrorists’ support and sources of legitimacy. Military power complements economic development, governance, and rule of law – the true bedrocks of counterterrorism efforts. In the long run, violent ideologies are ultimately discredited and defeated when a secure population chooses to reject extremism and violence in favor of more peaceful pursuits. 尽管这种行动破坏在短期内，他们不能果断，不构成一个可行的打击极端主义的长期战略。我们必须 继续支持和促进全的国办法对付极端主义，寻求和保持与区域伙伴关系，以负责任的国家削弱恐怖分 子的支持和合法性的来源。军事力量的补充经济发展，治理，法律和规则-反恐努力的真正基石。从 长远来看，暴力意识形态的最终名誉扫地，击败当安全人口选择拒绝在和平的追求更有利的极端主义 和暴力。 We will strengthen and expand our network of partnerships to enable partner capacity to enhance security. This will help reduce potential safe-havens before violent extremism can take root. We will nest our efforts to build partner capacity with broader national security priorities, consolidate our institutional processes, and improve coordination across agencies. Military-to-military relationships must be reliable to be effective, and persevere through political upheavals or even disruption. 我们将加强和扩大我们的合作伙伴关系网络，使合作伙伴的能力，增强安全性。这将有助于减少潜在 的避难所之前，可以采取暴力极端主义的根源。我们将巢的努力与更广泛的国家安全优先伙伴能力， 巩固我们的制度流程，完善跨机构协调。军方对军事关系必须是可靠有效，并通过政治动荡，甚至中 断持之以恒。 9 We will adapt deterrence to our efforts in countering extremists. Though terrorists are very difficult to deter directly, they make cost/benefit calculations and are dependent on states and other stakeholders we are capable of influencing. When directed, we will provide capabilities to hold accountable any government or entity complicit in attacks against the United States or allies to raise the cost of their support. And we must take further steps to deny terrorists the benefits they seek through their attacks. We will, on order, be prepared to respond to any attack across the