英语毕业论文402全英文：The essence of neoliberalism

英语毕业论文402全英文：The essence of neoliberalism 英语毕业论文 The essence of neoliberalism As the dominant discourse would have it, the economic world is a pure and perfect order, implacably unrolling the logic of its predictable consequences, and prompt to repress all violations by the sanctions that it inflicts, either automatically or - more unusually - through the intermediary of its armed extensions, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) and the policies they impose: reducing labour costs, reducing public expenditures and making work more flexible. Is the dominant discourse right? What if, in reality, this economic order were no more than the implementation of a utopia - the utopia of neoliberalism - thus converted into a political problem? One that, with the aid of the economic theory that it proclaims, succeeds in conceiving of itself as the scientific description of reality? This tutelary theory is a pure mathematical fiction. From the start it has been founded on a formidable abstraction. For, in the name of a narrow and strict conception of rationality as individual rationality, it brackets the economic and social conditions of rational orientations and the economic and social structures that are the condition of their application. To give the measure of this omission, it is enough to think just of the educational system. Education is never taken account of as such at a time when it plays a determining role in the production of goods and services as in the production of the producers themselves. From this sort of original sin, inscribed in the Walrasian myth (1) of "pure theory", flow all of the deficiencies and faults of the discipline of economics and the fatal obstinacy with which it attaches itself to the arbitrary opposition which it induces, through its mere existence, between a properly economic logic, based on competition and efficiency, and social logic, which is subject to the rule of fairness. That said, this "theory" that is desocialised and dehistoricised at its roots has, today more than ever, the means of making itself true and empirically verifiable. In effect, neoliberal discourse is not just one discourse among many. Rather, it is a "strong discourse" - the way psychiatric discourse is in an asylum, in Erving Goffman's analysis (2). It is so strong and so hard to combat only because it has on its side all of the forces of a world of relations of forces, a world that it contributes to making what it is. It does this most notably by orienting the economic choices of those who dominate economic relationships. It thus adds its own symbolic force to these relations of forces. In the name of this scientific programme, converted into a plan of political action, an immense political project is underway, although its status as such is denied because it appears to be purely negative. This project aims to create the conditions under which the "theory" can be realised and can function: a programme of the methodical destruction of collectives. The movement toward the neoliberal utopia of a pure and perfect market is made possible by the politics of financial deregulation. And it is achieved through the transformative and, it must be said, destructive action of all of the political measures (of which the most recent is the Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI), designed to protect foreign corporations and their investments from national states) that aim to call into question any and all collective structures that could serve as an obstacle to the logic of the pure market: i 英语毕业论文 the nation, whose space to manoeuvre continually decreases; work groups, for example through the individualisation of salaries and of careers as a function of individual competences, with the consequent atomisation of workers; collectives for the defence of the rights of workers, unions, associations, cooperatives; even the family, which loses part of its control over consumption through the constitution of markets by age groups. The neoliberal programme draws its social power from the political and economic power of those whose interests it expresses: stockholders, financial operators, industrialists, conservative or social-democratic politicians who have been converted to the reassuring layoffs of laisser-faire, high-level financial officials eager to impose policies advocating their own extinction because, unlike the managers of firms, they run no risk of having eventually to pay the consequences. Neoliberalism tends on the whole to favour severing the economy from social realities and thereby constructing, in reality, an economic system conforming to its description in pure theory, that is a sort of logical machine that presents itself as a chain of constraints regulating economic agents. The globalisation of financial markets, when joined with the progress of information technology, ensures an unprecedented mobility of capital. It gives investors concerned with the short-term profitability of their investments the possibility of permanently comparing the profitability of the largest corporations and, in consequence, penalising these firms' relative setbacks. Subjected to this permanent threat, the corporations themselves have to adjust more and more rapidly to the exigencies of the markets, under penalty of "losing the market's confidence", as they say, as well as the support of their stockholders. The latter, anxious to obtain short-term profits, are more and more able to impose their will on managers, using financial directorates to establish the rules under which managers operate and to shape their policies regarding hiring, employment, and wages. Thus the absolute reign of flexibility is established, with employees being hiring on fixed-term contracts or on a temporary basis and repeated corporate restructurings and, within the firm itself, competition among autonomous divisions as well as among teams forced to perform multiple functions. Finally, this competition is extended to individuals themselves, through the individualisation of the wage relationship: establishment of individual performance objectives, individual performance evaluations, permanent evaluation, individual salary increases or granting of bonuses as a function of competence and of individual merit; individualised career paths; strategies of "delegating responsibility" tending to ensure the self-exploitation of staff who, simple wage labourers in relations of strong hierarchical dependence, are at the same time held responsible for their sales, their products, their branch, their store, etc. as though they were independent contractors. This pressure toward "self-control" extends workers' "involvement" according to the techniques of "participative management" considerably beyond management level. All of these are techniques of rational domination that impose over-involvement in work (and not only among management) and work under emergency or high-stress conditions. And they converge to weaken or abolish collective standards or solidarities (3). In this way, a Darwinian world emerges - it is the struggle of all against all at all levels of the hierarchy, which finds support through everyone clinging to their job and organisation under conditions of insecurity, suffering, and stress. Without a doubt, the practical establishment of this world of struggle would not succeed so completely without the complicity of all of the precarious arrangements that produce insecurity ii 英语毕业论文 and of the existence of a reserve army of employees rendered docile by these social processes that make their situations precarious, as well as by the permanent threat of unemployment. This reserve army exists at all levels of the hierarchy, even at the higher levels, especially among managers. The ultimate foundation of this entire economic order placed under the sign of freedom is in effect the structural violence of unemployment, of the insecurity of job tenure and the menace of layoff that it implies. The condition of the "harmonious" functioning of the individualist micro-economic model is a mass phenomenon, the existence of a reserve army of the unemployed. This structural violence also weighs on what is called the labour contract (wisely rationalised and rendered unreal by the "theory of contracts"). Organisational discourse has never talked as much of trust, co-operation, loyalty, and organisational culture as in an era when adherence to the organisation is obtained at each moment by eliminating all temporal guarantees of employment (three-quarters of hires are for fixed duration, the proportion of temporary employees keeps rising, employment "at will" and the right to fire an individual tend to be freed from any restriction). Thus we see how the neoliberal utopia tends to embody itself in the reality of a kind of infernal machine, whose necessity imposes itself even upon the rulers. Like the Marxism of an earlier time, with which, in this regard, it has much in common, this utopia evokes powerful belief - the free trade faith - not only among those who live off it, such as financiers, the owners and managers of large corporations, etc., but also among those, such as high-level government officials and politicians, who derive their justification for existing from it. For they sanctify the power of markets in the name of economic efficiency, which requires the elimination of administrative or political barriers capable of inconveniencing the owners of capital in their individual quest for the maximisation of individual profit, which has been turned into a model of rationality. They want independent central banks. And they preach the subordination of nation-states to the requirements of economic freedom for the masters of the economy, with the suppression of any regulation of any market, beginning with the labour market, the prohibition of deficits and inflation, the general privatisation of public services, and the reduction of public and social expenses. Economists may not necessarily share the economic and social interests of the true believers and may have a variety of individual psychic states regarding the economic and social effects of the utopia which they cloak with mathematical reason. Nevertheless, they have enough specific interests in the field of economic science to contribute decisively to the production and reproduction of belief in the neoliberal utopia. Separated from the realities of the economic and social world by their existence and above all by their intellectual formation, which is most frequently purely abstract, bookish, and theoretical, they are particularly inclined to confuse the things of logic with the logic of things. These economists trust models that they almost never have occasion to submit to the test of experimental verification and are led to look down upon the results of the other historical sciences, in which they do not recognise the purity and crystalline transparency of their mathematical games, whose true necessity and profound complexity they are often incapable of understanding. They participate and collaborate in a formidable economic and social change. Even if some of its consequences horrify them (they can join the socialist party and give learned counsel to its representatives in the power structure), it cannot displease them because, at the risk of a few failures, imputable to what they sometimes call "speculative bubbles", it tends to give reality to the ultra-logical utopia (ultra-logical like certain forms of insanity) to which they consecrate their lives. iii 英语毕业论文 And yet the world is there, with the immediately visible effects of the implementation of the great neoliberal utopia: not only the poverty of an increasingly large segment of the most economically advanced societies, the extraordinary growth in income differences, the progressive disappearance of autonomous universes of cultural production, such as film, publishing, etc., through the intrusive imposition of commercial values, but also and above all two major trends. First is the destruction of all the collective institutions capable of counteracting the effects of the infernal machine, primarily those of the state, repository of all of the universal values associated with the idea of the public realm. Second is the imposition everywhere, in the upper spheres of the economy and the state as at the heart of corporations, of that sort of moral Darwinism that, with the cult of the winner, schooled in higher mathematics and bungee jumping, institutes the struggle of all against all and cynicism as the norm of all action and behaviour. Can it be expected that the extraordinary mass of suffering produced by this sort of political-economic regime will one day serve as the starting point of a movement capable of stopping the race to the abyss? Indeed, we are faced here with an extraordinary paradox. The obstacles encountered on the way to realising the new order of the lone, but free individual are held today to be imputable to rigidities and vestiges. All direct and conscious intervention of whatever kind, at least when it comes from the state, is discredited in advance and thus condemned to efface itself for the benefit of a pure and anonymous mechanism, the market, whose nature as a site where interests are exercised is forgotten. But in reality, what keeps the social order from dissolving into chaos, despite the growing volume of the endangered population, is the continuity or survival of those very institutions and representatives of the old order that is in the process of being dismantled, and all the work of all of the categories of social workers, as well as all the forms of social solidarity, familial or otherwise. The transition to "liberalism" takes place in an imperceptible manner, like continental drift, thus hiding its effects from view. Its most terrible consequences are those of the long term. These effects themselves are concealed, paradoxically, by the resistance to which this transition is currently giving rise among those who defend the old order by drawing on the resources it contained, on old solidarities, on reserves of social capital that protect an entire portion of the present social order from falling into anomie. This social capital is fated to wither away - although not in the short run - if it is not renewed and reproduced. But these same forces of "conservation", which it is too easy to treat as conservative, are also, from another point of view, forces of resistance to the establishment of the new order and can become subversive forces. If there is still cause for some hope, it is that forces still exist, both in state institutions and in the orientations of social actors (notably individuals and groups most attached to these institutions, those with a tradition of civil and public service) that, under the appearance of simply defending an order that has disappeared and its corresponding "privileges" (which is what they will immediately be accused of), will be able to resist the challenge only by working to invent and construct a new social order. One that will not have as its only law the pursuit of egoistic interests and the individual passion for profit and that will make room for collectives oriented toward the rational pursuit of ends collectively arrived at and collectively ratified. How could we not make a special place among these collectives, associations, unions, and parties for the state: the nation-state, or better yet the supranational state - a European state on the way toward a world iv 英语毕业论文 state - capable of effectively controlling and taxing the profits earned in the financial markets and, above of all, of counteracting the destructive impact that the latter have on the labour market. This could be done with the aid of labour unions by organising the elaboration and defence of the public interest. Like it or not, the public interest will never emerge, even at the cost of a few mathematical errors, from the vision of accountants (in an earlier period one would have said of "shopkeepers") that the new belief system presents as the supreme form of human accomplishment. (1) Auguste Walras (1800-66), French economist, author of De la nature de la richesse et de l'origine de la valeur ("On the Nature of Wealth and on the Origin of Value") (1848). He was one of the first to attempt to apply mathematics to economic inquiry. (2) Erving Goffman. 1961. Asylums: Essays on the Social Situation of Mental Patients and Other Inmates. New York: Aldine de Gruyter. (3) See the two journal issues devoted to "Nouvelles formes de domination dans le travail" ("New forms of domination in work"), Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales, nos. 114, September 1996, and 115, December 1996, especially the introduction by Gabrielle Balazs and Michel Pialoux, "Crise du travail et crise du politique" [Work crisis and political crisis], no. 114: p.3-4. 写作指导 愿我的文档给您带来帮助和快乐～ 英语专业毕业论文的写作方法 v 英语毕业论文 Introduction: 毕业论文或学士学位论文(thesis)是每个本科生在毕业之前最重要的一项学习任务。写作毕业论文是总结、检验、深化所学专业知识的过程，同时也可以训练学生分析和解决问题的实际能力，从而为毕业后继续学习和运用所学专业知识进行更高层次的研究奠定基础。因此，每个本科生都必须认真对待，努力写好毕业论文。 完成毕业论文，需要一定的专业知识，也需要正确的写作方法。毕业论文或学士论文是一种研究性论文(research paper)。它的语气、格调和格式不同于非正规文体，如技术 报告 软件系统测试报告下载sgs报告如何下载关于路面塌陷情况报告535n,sgs报告怎么下载竣工报告下载 、随笔等。毕业论文也讲究一定的学术性，但其要求与目的不同于在学术期刊上发表的学术论文。毕业论文是一种正规作文，必须遵循正规作文的规范。完成一篇毕业论文，一般要经过选择方向(论题)、确定论文题目、收集资料、研究分析参考资料、整理论据、拟订参考书目、拟订论文提纲、构思、拟写初稿、修改润色、校对和定稿等步骤。 1.1选择论题和确定论文题目 选择论题和确定论文题目，应当考虑论题的学术研究价值，并力求有自己的见解，还必须考虑自己的专业水平、写作能力以及资料来源、写作时间等客观因素。 在确定论文题目的过程中，不宜草率从事、急于求成。英语专业涉及的范围很广，包括英语语言、英汉互译、英美文学、英美文化和英语教学法。其中英语语言又包括语法、语音、词汇和修辞等领域。另外，历史研究也是也是一大方向，如英语史、翻译史、文学史等。 选择论题和确定论文题目，应以“小题大做”为原则，其要领是:先从上述范围内选择一个方向，然后逐渐缩小范围. 选择论题与确定题目，必须弄明白研究方向、论题、题目之间的关系。研究方向是一个研究领域，范围较大、较泛。论题指论文要论证的命题，而论文题目只是论题的概括。如，英语翻译技巧是一个研究的方向，而论证翻译技巧的性质、用途就可成为一个论题。 总之，确定论文题目应当在一个易于操作的小范围里去考虑。因为题目涉及的范围越小，越容易写得全面、深刻，从而使论文更有说服力。 另外，每个领域都有各自的具体内容和特点。因此，在考虑具体论题之前，先要了解特定领域的一般性知识，然后逐渐将自己的注意力集中于某个论题。 1.2收集资料、分析资料、拟定参考书目 vi 英语毕业论文 从某种意义上说，选择与确定论题的过程首先是收集和阅读资料的过程。资料的来源主要是学校的图书馆和资料室，以及Internet的相关网站。查找、收集资料，必须熟悉掌握查阅资料的有关知识与方法。同时，在查阅资料的过程中应适时地做些 记录 混凝土 养护记录下载土方回填监理旁站记录免费下载集备记录下载集备记录下载集备记录下载 。记录内容包括:作者名、书名能够、版本、出版单位、出版地点、出版日期和参考资料的页码等。参考资料若出自期刊，则应包括:刊物名称、期刊号、资料所在页码、文章作者、文章标题等。Internet为写作毕业论文提供了极大的方便，但网上充斥着各种各样的信息，须注意甄别是专家权威的东西还是业余爱好者的东西，在引进论文时还须说明是否是专家权威的观点，并须注明出处，以免抄袭之嫌。 确定论题之后，就是研究分析资料和拟定参考书目(working bibliography)。写毕业论文需要利用各种参考资料，但写作毕业论文决不仅仅时收集资料，或简单的“剪刀加浆糊”的工作。通常我们收集的资料都会多于实际写进论文里去的资料，论文作者必须对自己收集到的资料加以筛选和分析整理，并结合自己预想的论题，考察研究选定论题的可行性及学术研究价值，从而初步确定论文的题目。 1.3构思与拟定提纲 确定论题与题目之后，就要围绕论文的中心论点去构思了。构思就是如何如利用事先准备好的资料，去阐释或论证论文的中心论点。因此你必须事实牢记你的论文的写作目的。写论文就是决定用哪些原始资料和如何使用这些原始资料，去实现你的论文的写作目的。无论是采用演绎还是归纳的形式安排资料，都必须议论文的中心论点来贯穿 全文 企业安全文化建设方案企业安全文化建设导则安全文明施工及保证措施创建安全文明校园实施方案创建安全文明工地监理工作情况 。 为了更有效的阐述或论证中心论点，应当先有一个易于操作的论文提纲。拟写提纲本身就是一种思考与构思，其过程是对所准备的论据进行分析整理。论据一经整理，它们之间的关联就会显露出来，提纲的雏形也就形成了。粗略的提纲，应在继续分析整理论据的过程中，不断加以调整充实，事先确定的论点也可以做适当的调整、变通。 要求按提纲写作为的是增强论文的条理性和逻辑性，以及论文结构的完整性。一篇毕业论文，一般由引言(Introduction)、论文主体(Body)和结语(Conclusion)三大部分构成。 引言部分的主要作用是提出论文的中心论点或导入正题。论文主体部分是论证分析。结余部分主要用来总结全文，重申论点。开头和结尾部分可安排一两个段落，而主体部分必须分成多段。 中心论点(thesis)是对一篇论文最集中的概括，既说出了论文的论题是什么，也说出了作者要对论题发表什么意见。论文的每一个段落都是通过提供支持中心论点的详细资料来阐明中心论点的。论点与各段落的关系，犹如一个段落里的句子与主题句(subject sentence)的关系。演绎式 vii 英语毕业论文 (inductively arranged)则最后提出论点，论点还是结语的一个部分。 阐述或论证论点没有固定的方程式。用什么方式最合适，主要取决于论题和文章的目的，像“Modifications to American Democracy During the Next Twenty Years” 这样一个题目，大致 有三种写法。第一种主要是提供知识、信息，如:“阐释对当代美国民主提出的种种建议”(“List and explain proposed modifications to contemporary American democracy”)。这种写法只是 阐释问题，不作分析，因此适合报告一类论文，甚至篇幅较长的报告。以英语专业论，很适合写英语教学的调查和实验研究。 第二种是在阐释的同时也做出倾向性不太强的分析，如:“最近提出的修改美国民主的建议的意义何在,”(“In what ways are the recent proposals to modify American democracy significant?”)。第三种写法是倾向性强烈的论文，既要提供相关的知识、信息，也要做出细致的分析，作者还要把立论。如:“评修改当代美国民主的建议”(“uate proposed modifications to contemporary American democracy”)。 第三种写法最难，因为立论的论文必须毫不含糊地提出作者自己的观点，而且必须言之成理、令人信服。这就要求作者提出充分的证据，并反驳反面意见。 然而，富有挑战性的论题和题目能是作者更投入，只要付出足够的努力自然会有丰厚的回报。若要毕业论文有新意，有独立的见解，应该用第三种写法。 1.4拟稿 拟稿即拟写初稿，初稿虽是草稿，但必须全力以赴去写好。在拟稿的过程中，一般要注意以下几个问题: 1.开门见山，即在论文的引言部分提出论点，这是最常用的方法。另外，为了使作者思路显得缜密、中心突出，行文中应适时地重申论文的论点。提出论点要自然，避免机械生硬地提出论点，从而保持论文的完整性。 2.合理安排论文引证的材料。为避免文章显得臃肿，使行文更加流畅，应慎用省略号。引证还要注意适度，即直接引证不宜过多。有些可以用自己的话来该概括。 3.不要遗漏事先准备好引用的论据。引证时须表明出处，以免与你自己的话相混。 4.重视引言和结语(introduction and conclusion)。一篇毕业论文的开头和结尾部分，具有很强的影响力，不可等闲视之。 viii 英语毕业论文 1.4.1引言的写法 引言部分对于引起读者的兴趣至关重要，应写得引人入胜，最主要是一点是让人读后能明白你的论文写什么，让人觉得你的目的明确。引言没有固定的程式，主要取决于论文的对象、论题和写作的方法。下面是几种最基本的方法。 1.引语:以两句引语展开讨论，这两句精妙而带煽动性的评论颇能激发读者的兴趣。接着又引用，有助于引向论文的中心。 2.回顾历史(Historical review):有时，读者在不了解相关是历史背景的情况下不能立即抓住你探讨的问题 3.回顾论争(Review of a controversy):回顾过去的争论或论争，是历史性回顾的一种特殊形式。 4.从一般到具体(From the general to the specific) 5.从具体到一般:掌故、实例(From the specific to the general: anecdote):以逸事、趣闻开头，是你用来吸引读者注意力最有效的一种方法。 6.设问(Question):作者常常通过提出一个问题或一连串的问题，来吸引读者的注意力。 7.开门见山(Statement of thesis):开门见山是最直接的引言方法，即一开头就提出论文论点。 1.4.2结语的写法 结语部分与引言同等重要，因为给读者留下最后印象的是它。 结语应总结全文，而不应当提出或转移到别的论题上去，也不能草草收场。结语部分要让读者对论文的主要精神和内容加深印象。 结语部分的作用是重申论文的论点， 最基本的一点是总结你的论点。总结不是简单的重复，而是归纳正文的内容，具有较强的理论性。切记:结语部分所占的篇幅不宜过长，力求干脆利落。以下是几种常见的结语写法。 1)说明论文的意义(Statement of the subject’s significance):讨论主体部分所论述的论题 的广泛意义，给读者提供更多的理由，从而让他们更明白你的论文的价值。运用这一方法，是从一个具体、特定的范围扩展到一个更广泛的范围。必须从各种意义中挑选，不宜太泛， 应注意突出重点。 2)解答与建议(Solution/Recommendation):这种方式适合评论与阐述有争议问题的论文。这种 方法的要点是:总结你的结论后，根据你的研究提供一个解决方法。为使你的方法更有说服 力，必须经正文部分充分论证后提出。 ix 英语毕业论文 3)引用别人的话(Quotation):根据文章的论题，引用该领域的一位名人或权威的话来结束论文， 是许多人偏爱的方式。引用名人或权威的话可以增加文章的说服力。但如何引用颇有讲究，最重要 的是所引用的话必须切合你的论点。 4)设问(Questions):提出问题不仅是使用的开篇方式，也是结束论文的使用方法。但是，开篇 提出的问题予以提问结尾的功能不同。开篇提出的问题，是打算在接下来的部分予以解答。但结尾 时提出的问题，是留给读着自己去思考。 勤奋是愉快而充实的～ 能够给我们的未来带来无尽的财富和想象～ 英语论文 标准 excel标准偏差excel标准偏差函数exl标准差函数国标检验抽样标准表免费下载红头文件格式标准下载 范文格式 Noticing in SLA(小二号Times New Roman加粗居中顶页眉) (空一行) Abstract: This article focuses on the role of “noticing” and “noticing the gap” in second language acquisition. It is argued that this notion has gained wide support on the basis of intuition and assumption rather than on the findings of appropriate and exhaustive empirical research. The aim of this paper is twofold: a) to consider the theoretical constructs that underlie the role of noticing, and b) to assess the validity of the assumption that noticing enhances language acquisition. This paper concludes that 1) empirical research has yet to validate the role of noticing in language acquisition, 2) an alternative view offered by Truscott (1998), which suggests that noticing is merely tied to the acquisition of metalinguistic knowledge, is worthy of investigation, and 3) future research into the relationship between training learners to notice linguistic forms and the acquisition of metalinguistic knowledge may enhance our understanding of noticing in second language x 英语毕业论文 acquisition. (小四;不分段;顶格) (空一行) Key words: noticing; metalinguistic knowledge; linguistic forms(小四) (空三行) (摘要、文章、参考文献均先在默认状态下输入，然后第二稿时再按照要求进行字体、 字符大小、加粗等的编辑。如果中、英文摘要在一页里放不下，则将中文摘要另换页。) 二语习得中的注意(小二号宋体加粗居中) (空一行) 摘要:本文着重研究了“注意”和“注意差距” 的作用，指出这一概念受到广泛重视是出于直觉和假设,而不是基于广泛的实证研究.本文旨在:1)探讨“注意”这一概念的理论构建;2)评估“注意”强化语言习得假设的有效性。本文得出结论如下:1)通过实证研究，证明了“注意”在语言习得中的作用;2)特拉斯科特在1998年提出的新观点是值得研究的，他认为“注意”只同元语言知识的习得有联系;3)如果能对学习者所受的注意语言形式训练和元语言知识的习得之间的关系作进一步研究，会帮助我们更好的理解二语习得中的“注意”。(五号) (空一行) 关键词:注意;元语言知识;语言形式(五号) xi 英语毕业论文 Contents(四号加粗居中顶页眉、) (空一行) 1. Introduction ....................................................................................................................... 1 2. The theoretical constructs that underlie the role of noticing ................................................ 1 2 .1 Consciousness raising and noticing .............................................................................. 1 2.2 Noticing and language acquisition ................................................................................ 1 3. Influences on noticing ........................................................................................................ 1 3.1 Task demands ............................................................................................................... 2 3.2 Frequency ..................................................................................................................... 2 3.3 Perceptual salience ........................................................................................................................... 2 4. Conclusion ......................................................................................................................... 2 References ........................................................................................................................... 3 Acknowledgments .................................................................................................................................... 4 (目录用电脑自动生成的格式，把行距改成1.5倍行距 二级标题与第一级标题首字母对应 三级标题与第二级标题首字母对应 不设置四级标题) xii 英语毕业论文 Noticing in SLA(小二加粗居中顶页眉，每个实词首 字母大写) (空一行) 1. Introduction (一级标题，四号加粗顶格;所有标题后均不加逗点或句点) The significance of the role of conscious and unconscious processes and the notion of interface in second language (L2) development has been the focus of much debate in the general field of cognitive psychology. One proposal is that put forward by Burka (1996), who offers a hypothesis related to conscious learning that focuses on what Skehan argues is “the crucial concept of noticing” (Deleuze, 1986，p.48) (这 ，p用小写). The purpose of this paper is to a) 是参考文献出处文中注的格式 consider the theoretical constructs that underlie the role of noticing, and b) assess the validity of the assumption that noticing enhances language acquisition. [一级标题与 所有标题均顶一级标题之间空一行，一级标题和二、三级标题之间都不空行。 ] 格、并只有第一个单词首字母大写(除专有名词外)。 2. The theoretical constructs that underlie the role of noticing (一级 标题) 2.1 Consciousness raising and noticing (二级标题，小四加粗) The term “consciousness raising” refers to the drawing of learners' attention to the formal properties of language (Fee and Fox., 1988). However, a key difference between noticing and consciousness raising is that noticing has supposed implications for language processing and the actual acquisition of linguistic features.(每段第一行 4个空格) 退进 2.2 Noticing and language acquisition Geertz (1973) identifies three aspects of consciousness involved in language learning: awareness, intention and knowledge. Johnstone (1993) states that a) whether a learner deliberately attends to a linguistic form in the input or it is noticed purely unintentionally, if it is noticed it becomes intake. To help clarify Schmidt’s hypothesis and the place of noticing in L2 acquisition the following model, proposed by Ellis, is useful. (一级标题与一级标题之间空一行，一级标题和二、三级标题之间都不空行) 13 英语毕业论文 3. Influences on noticing Jones (1978), in harmony with Schmidt's discussion of memory processing above, comments that it is inside short-term memory that noticing must in reality take place, since the “spotlight consciousness” (Magistrale, 1992, p.142) provided by short-term memory is triggered by different influences on noticing. Schmidt (1990) claims that the following factors influence noticing in the input: 3.1 Task demands Instruction provides structured, differentiated input that assists noticing by focusing attention on and enhancing awareness of language features (Pikarsky and Christensen, 1976). 3.2 Frequency A language feature may become frequent due to repeated instruction or by way of teacher talk. As such, when the item does appear more frequently in the input, the likelihood 3.3 Perceptual salience The more prominent a language form at input, the greater the chance it will be noticed (Skehan, 1998). It stands to reason, therefore, that the less salient a form, the less likely it is to () 一级标题与一级标题之间空一行，一级标题和二、三级标题之间都不空行 4. Conclusion It can be seen that there are various views regarding the role of conscious and unconscious processes in L2 acquisition. An important contribution to this debate has been Schmidt's “noticing hypothesis” and its claims about how input becomes intake, and this 14 英语毕业论文 References (四号居中加粗顶页眉) (空一行) Burka, Lauren P. A Hypertext History of Multi-User Dimensions. Retrieved August 18, 2009, from Deleuze, Giles. Foucault. (Sean Hand, Trans. & Ed.). Minneapolis: U M P, 1986. Fee, Elizabeth & Daniel M. Fox. (Eds.). AIDS: The Burdens of History. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988. Geertz, Clifford. The Interpretation of Cultures. New York: Basic Books. 1973. Johnstone, Sue. Feminism and Pornography: Policing the Boundary between Art and Popular Culture. Doctoral Dissertation. Rutgers University, New Jersey, 1993. Jones, James. Daydreaming. In Lorence Smith (Ed.), Fictions. New York: Yale UP, 1978: 127-35. Magistrale, Tony. Wild Child: Jim Morrison’s Poetic Journeys. Journal of Popular Culture, 1992, 3: 133-44. Pikarsky, M. & Christensen, D. Urban Transportation Policy and Management. Boston: D.C. Heath, 1976. 盖淑华. 英语专业学生词汇附带习得实证研究. 外语教学与研究, 2003, 4: 282-286. 梁正溜. 英语教学. 上海: 外语教育出版社, 1999. ( 注意事项 软件开发合同注意事项软件销售合同注意事项电梯维保合同注意事项软件销售合同注意事项员工离职注意事项 : 1.英语为小四，中文为五号;行距1.5倍，条目先列英语后列中文, 英文作者先 , 英文和中文条目分别按作者姓氏写姓氏，加逗号后，再写名字，名字后用句点 英语首字母和汉语拼音首字母顺序排列;中英文书名均不用书名号且英语书名 为斜体;网址要需标注网上查阅资料日期;每一个条目如需占用两行，第二行 则退进四个空格;条目中的每项不同内容(包括结尾)均用句点分隔，出版社 前有地点就标注地点，并用冒号隔开，出版社与年代之间用句点。相关内容参 考“论文格式要求”中实例部分 2 (文章中参考文献文中注的引用出处格式:(作者姓，年代，页码)或(作者 )如:(Magistrale, 1992, p.142) (Pikarsky & Christensen, 1976)) 姓，年代 15 英语毕业论文 Acknowledgments (四号加粗居中顶页眉) (空一行) I would like to thank my supervisor BBBB for her invaluable guidance, enthusiasm and support throughout the course of this work. I am also very grateful to CCCC for his helpful comments and insightful suggestions during the research and writing of this thesis. I would also like to thank DDDD for taking the time to be my external examiner. Many other people have helped and contributed their time to the research of this thesis. My thanks to EEEE, and FFFF for their invaluable comments and suggestions. I would also like to take this opportunity to express my gratitude toward everyone in the English Department of AAA University, especially GGGG, HHHH, for their valuable suggestions and help in these two years of study as well as their friendship. Thanks to all the other friends I have made at AAA University for making my stay at AAA an enjoyable period of time. I will always be indebted to my family, especially my parents IIII and JJJJ. I would like to thank them for their support and confidence in me. My gratitude goes to everyone at home. This thesis would not have been possible without all their kindness and encouragement. (注意: 此文本仅供参考,各位同学应该依据实际情况写出致谢!!! 如果仿写,请注 ). 意红色字体部分 16