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首页 [美]朱迪斯·本内特:英国中世纪乡村妇女:瘟疫前布里格斯托克的性别与家庭(牛津 1987)

[美]朱迪斯·本内特:英国中世纪乡村妇女:瘟疫前布里格斯托克的性别与家庭(牛津 1987)

[美]朱迪斯·本内特:英国中世纪乡村妇女:瘟疫前布里格斯托克的…

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2008-11-09 0人阅读 举报 0 0 0 暂无简介

简介:本文档为《[美]朱迪斯·本内特:英国中世纪乡村妇女:瘟疫前布里格斯托克的性别与家庭(牛津 1987)pdf》,可适用于人文社科领域

WomenintheMedievalEnglishCountrysideThispageintentionallyleftblankWomenintheMedievalEnglishCountrysideQenderandJiouseholdinTSritjstockBeorethePlagueJudithMBennettNewYorkOxfordOXFORDUNIVERSITYPRESSOxfordUniversityPressOxfordNewYorkTorontoDelhiBombayCalcuttaMadrasKarachiPetalingJayaSingaporeHongKongTokyoNairobiDaresSalaamCapeTownMelbourneAucklandandassociatedcompaniesinBeirutBerlinIbadanNicosiaCopyright©byOxfordUniversityPress,IncPublishedbyOxfordUniversityPress,Inc,MadisonAvenue,NewYork,NewYorkOxfordisaregisteredtrademarkofOxfordUniversityPressAllrightsreservedNopartofthispublicationmaybereproduced,storedinaretrievalsystem,ortransmitted,inanyformorbyanymeans,electronic,mechanical,photocopying,recording,orotherwise,withoutthepriorpermissionofOxfordUniversityPressLibraryofCongressCataloginginPublicationDataBennett,JudithMWomeninthemedievalEnglishcountrysideBibliography:pIncludesindexWomenEnglandHistoryCasestudiesWomenHistoryMiddleAges,CasestudiesEnglandRuralconditionsCasestudiesSexroleEnglandHistoryCasestudiesITitleHQEB''ISBNPrintedintheUnitedStatesofAmericaonacidfreepaperThisbookcametoolateformygrandmothers,butitis,nevertheless,forthemRubyJenretteBennett,AnneThompsonMacKenzie,ThispageintentionallyleftblankAcknowledgmentsLongprojectsaccumulatemanydebtsIhavespentmanyhoursworkingaloneonthisbook,butmyworkwouldnothavebeenpossiblewithoutthegeneroussupportofothersGraduatefellowshipsfromtheSocialScienceResearchCouncilandtheAmericanAssociationofUniversityWomenprovidedearlysupportforresearchandwriting,andagrantfromtheAmericanCouncilofLearnedSocietiesallowedmetotakeasemester'sleavefromteachingatacrucialstageofrevisionIhavealsoreceivedgrantsandfellowshipsfromtheinstitutionswithwhichIhavebeenaffiliatedthePontificalInstituteofMediaevalStudies,theUniversityofToronto,andtheUniversityofNorthCarolinaatChapelHillIamgratefultoalloftheseagencieswithouttheirsupport,myworkwouldhavebeenimpossibleThegenerousassistanceofnumerousarchivistsandlibrariansfacilitatedmyresearchthroughoutthisprojectPIKingandhisstaffattheNorthamptonshireRecordOfficecheerfullyprovidedmewithaconstantstreamofmaterialsonmedievalBrigstockandpromptlyansweredqueriessentbymailElizabethElvey,thearchivistattheBuckinghamshireArchaeologicalSociety,andherhusband,GRElvey,werejustasgraciousinansweringinquiriesandprovidingaccesstotheIverrecordsintheircollectionThearchivistatStGeorge'sChapel,GraceHolmes,notonlysharedherofficespaceviiiAcknowledgmentswithme,butalsopersonallytransferredanassortmentofIverrecordstotheHouseofLordsRecordOfficeformyconvenienceMygratitudealsoextendstothestaffsoftheBritishLibrary,thePublicRecordOffice,theInstituteofHistoricalResearch,theHouseofLordsRecordOffice,andtheInterLibraryBorrowingdepartmentattheUniversityofNorthCarolinaIwishtothanktheDukeofBuccleuchforallowingmeaccesstotheBrigstockmaterialsthathehasdepositedintheNorthamptonshireRecordOfficeImustalsoacknowledgethreepublishersforpermissiontoreprintportionsofmypreviouslypublishedarticlesTheAppendixofthisbookdrawspartlyon"Spouses,SiblingsandSurnames:ReconstructingFamiliesfromMedievalVillageCourtRolls,"originallypublishedintheJournalofBritishStudies(,,pp)ThediscussionofbrewinginChapterVincludessectionsdrawnfrom"TheVillageAleWife:WomenandBrewinginFourteenthCenturyEngland,"inWomenandWorkinPreindustrialEurope,editedbyBarbaraAHanawalt(IndianaUniversityPress,)ThesocialrepercussionsofthemarriageofAgnesPenifaderandHenryKroylofBrigstockwerefirstdescribedin"TheTieThatBinds:PeasantMarriagesandFamiliesinLateMedievalEngland,"TheJournalofInterdisciplinaryHistory(,,pp)PartsofthatdescriptionappearinsomewhatdifferentforminChapterVwiththepermissionoftheeditorsofthejournalandtheMITPress(copyright©MassachusettsInstituteofTechnologyandtheeditorsofTheJournalofInterdisciplinaryHistory)Overthecourseofthepastfewyears,somanyscholarshavereadallorpartofthisstudythatIcannotthankthemallindividuallyMyteachersattheUniversityofTorontoJAmbroseRaftis,MichaelMSheehan,andJohnMunrohelpedtodevelopmyresearchatanearlystageManyofmycolleaguesattheUniversityofNorthCarolina,andparticularlyRichardSoloway,madehelpfulcommentsonacompleteddraftThegenerouslyofferedcritiquesofAnneDeWindt,EdwinDeWindt,JamesEpstein,CynthiaHerrup,SherrylKleinman,MaryanneKowaleski,DonReid,EleanorSearle,RichardSmith,andKeithWrightsonalsoguidedmyfinalrevisionsIamgratefultoallofthesescholarsandtothemanyotherswhoseadvicebothenlightenedmythoughtsandsavedmefrommanyerrorsAtanearlystageofwriting,RosalieRadcliffetransferredthetextofthisbooktoawordprocessor,andshecantestifytothefactthatAcknowledgmentsixwordprocessingdoesnotautomaticallysaveeitherlaborortimeSheenduredmanyrevisions,andIthankherforherpatience,promptness,andprecisionMomentsofdoubtplaguemostwriters,particularlythoseofuswhopursueourworkunderthepeculiarstructuresoftheAmericansystemofacademictenureFortheirsustenanceduringsuchtimes,IowethankstomanywomenandmeninmygenerationofAmericanscholars,particularlytoMaryanneKowaleski,DonReid,NancyAdamson,SherrylKleinman,andJamesEpsteinMydebttoCynthiaHerrup,whohaslivedwiththisprojectfromitsinception,canbeneitherexpressednorrepaidThanksalsotoGeoffEleyforgoodadviceatacrucialmomentNovemberJMBDurham,NorthCarolinaThispageintentionallyleftblankContentsTablesandFiguresxiiiIIntroductionIIStudyingWomenintheMedievalCountrysideIIIRuralHouseholdsBeforethePlagueIVDaughtersandSonsVWivesandHusbandsVIWidowsVIIMedievalCountrywomeninPerspectiveAppendixANoteonMethodGlossaryNotesBibliographyIndexThispageintentionallyleftblankTablesandFiguresTableEstimatedAdultMaleResidentsinBrigstock,TableTheCourtAppearancesofWomenandMeninBrigstock,Iver,andHoughtoncumWytonTableWomenandMenintheBrigstockSampleofCivilPleasTableWomenandMenintheBrigstockSampleofLandTransactionsTableWomenandMenintheBrigstockSampleofCrimesTableDaughtersandSonsintheBrigstockSampleofCivilPleasTableDaughtersandSonsintheBrigstockSampleofLandTransactionsTableFamilialPledgingofAdolescentsintheBrigstockSamplesTableDaughtersandSonsintheBrigstockSampleofCrimesTableHouseholderCrimesintheBrigstockSampleofCrimesXIVTablesandFiguresTableJointLitigationintheBrigstockSampleofCivilPleasTableWivesandHusbandsintheBrigstockSampleofLandTransactionsTableAleCitationsofWomenandMeninBrigstock,Iver,andHoughtoncumWytonTableTheSocialBackgroundsofBrigstock'sAleWivesTableQuantitativeBreakdownofHenryKroylJunior'sPostmaritalNetworkTableQualitativeBreakdownofHenryKroylJunior'sPostmaritalNetworkTableFamilialPledgingofMenintheBrigstockSamplesofCrimesandLandTransactionsTableFamilialPledgingofWomenintheBrigstockSampleofCrimesTableTheCourtNetworksofthePenifaderSiblingsTableTheEffectofAgingonMalePublicActivityinBrigstockTableTheReportedCriminalityofWidowsinBrigstockTableFemalePledgesinBrigstockTableWidowsasHouseholdersinBrigstockTableTheIntrafamilialConflictsofWidowsinBrigstockTableWidowsintheBrigstockLandMarketTableFamilialPledgingofWidowsinBrigstockTableTheCourtAppearancesofWomenandMenofDifferentSocialRanksinBrigstock,Iver,andHoughtoncumWytonTableWomenandMenintheBakingIndustryofBrigstock,TableWomenandMenintheBrigstockSampleofLandTransactions,TableTheChronologyofWidowhoodinBrigstockTableWomenintheBrigstockSampleofCivilPleas,TablesandFiguresTableAIxvIsolatedAppearancesinBrigstock,Iver,andHoughtoncumWytonTableATheDistributionofSurnamesinBrigstock,Iver,andHoughtoncumWytonTableABrewingAmercementsinBrigstock,TableASurnameStabilityinBrigstock,TableATheDistributionofAleAmercementsinBrigstockTableABrigstock:DistributionofSurnamesbyRanksTableABrigstock:CourtAppearancesbyRanksTableATheBrigstockSampleofCrimesTableATheBrigstockSampleofLandTransactionsTableATheCourtAppearancesoftheKroylsandPenifadersTableAITheCourtNetworksoftheKroylsandPenifadersTableAEstimatedAdultMaleResidentsinIver,TableAIver:DistributionofSurnamesbyRanksTableAIver:CourtAppearancesbyRanksTableADemographicChangeinHoughtoncumWyton,TableAHoughtoncumWyton:DistributionofSurnamesbyRanksTableAHoughtoncumWyton:CourtAppearancesbyRanksFigureAIThePenifaderandKroylGenealogiesThispageintentionallyleftblankIIntroductionHistorianswhostudyEuropeanwomentypicallyfocusonthenineteenthandtwentiethcenturiesMotivatedbybothfeminism(theimportanceofexplainingthecurrentcircumstancesofwomen)andpracticality(thearchivalabundanceofrecentcenturies),thesescholarsusuallyrecounthowthedramaticchangesofmoderntimeshavealteredthelivesofwomenTheburgeoningliteraturewrittenonwomenduringthelasttwocenturiescoversawidevarietyofsubjects,butparticularattentionhasbeenpaidtotheworkinglivesofwomenandtheexperiencesofthepoorandunderprivilegednumerouspublishedstudiesnowdetail,forexample,theearlyeffectsofindustrializationonworkingclasswomen,thegrowthofprostitutioninnineteenthcenturycities,andthemovementofworkingwomenintotheservicesectorattheturnofthelastcenturyThehistoryofwomeninpreindustrialEuropenotonlyismoremodestbutalsotakesadifferentdirectionBecauseofarchivalconstraints,historiansofmedievalandearlymodernwomengenerallyexaminetheeliteandtheliteratethefeudalladiesofcourtlyromances,thenunsandsaintsfoundinreligiousliterature,thebourgeoiswiveswholeftdiariesandlettersAlthoughsuchstudiesgreatlyenhanceourunderstandingofeliteandreligiouscultureinEuropebefore,theyseldomcomplementmodernstudiesoftheexperiWOMENINTHEMEDIEVALENGLISHCOUNTRYSIDEencesofordinaryworkingwomenMedievalists,tobesure,havenotcompletelyignoredtheexperiencesofworkingwomen,butsuchstudieshaveusuallytakenurbanwomenastheirsubjectsBecausetheexperiencesofruralwomenremainlargelyunexplored,studentsofwomeninmodernEuropehaveoftenrelieduponunverifiedassumptionsaboutthedailylivesofcountrywomeninearliercenturiesWeknowagreatdealabouthowindustrializationtransformedthelivesofworkingclasswomen,muchlessabouthowthecommercialandagriculturalchangesoftheearlymoderneraaffectedwomen,andevenlessabouttheexperiencesofwomeninthemedievalcountrysideByaddingamedievalperspectivetothehistoryofworkingwomeninEurope,IhopetoshowhowthechoicesthatwomenfacedintheseventeenthandnineteenthcenturieswereshapednotonlybyeconomicchangesspecifictothosecenturiesbutalsobyenduringcustomsthathadlonglimitedfemaleopportunitiesFavorablejudgmentsaboutthestatusofmedievalwomenarealmostacommonplaceinhistoricalliteraturebecausestudiesoftheadverseeffectsonwomenofthecommercializationandindustrializationofmodernEuropehavethrownflatteringlightonthereputedstatusofwomeninthemedievalcenturiesthatprecededthesemomentouseconomicchangesAsOlwenHuftonrecentlydescribedtheproblem,feministwritingonthenineteenthcenturyhastendedtoforceuponhistoriansoftheearlymodernperiodoneunenviabletask,thatoflocatingabonvieuxtempswhenwomenenjoyedaharmonious,ifhardworking,domesticroleandsocialresponsibilitybeforetheyweredowngradedintosocialparasitesorfactoryfodderunderthecorruptinghandofcapitalismBecausethe"locationofthisbonvieuxtempshasprovedremarkablyelusive,"theburdenhasincreasinglypassedfromearlymoderniststomedievalistsIfthegoldenagedidnotimmediatelyprecedetheestablishmentofindustrialcapitalisminnineteenthcenturyEurope,thenitpresumablyprecededtheeconomicandcommercialexpansionofEuropeinthesixteenthandseventeenthcenturiesImplicitinmanyfeministstudiesofmodernwomen,thisnotionofapremoderngoldenagealsoinspiresantifeministtheoryIvanIllich,forexample,arguesinhisbookGenderthattheequalityofmenandwomeninthemedievalcountrysidehasgivenwaytoinequalIntroductionityinthemodernworkplaceToIllich,the"ruleofgender"inpreindustrialEuropeprescribeddistinct,butcomplementary(andequallyvalued),rolesformenandwomen,whereasthe"ruleofsex"imposedbyindustrializationhascreatedaunisexstandard(basedonmalenorms)towhichwomenareunreasonablyexpectedtoconformInstudiesthathavebeenusuallybothbriefandproblematic,medievalistshavebuttressedthisappealingimageofagoldenageduringwhichwomenenjoyedroughequalitywithmenButassessmentsofwomen'sstatusinthemedievalcountrysidehavereliedtoolittleuponevidencereportingactualbehaviorandtooheavilyuponevidenceprescribingidealbehaviorTherealitiesofwomen'sliveshaveoftenconformedpoorlytowhatcanbeexpectedfromareadingoftheprescriptiveadvicefoundinliterary,religious,andstatutorymaterialsMedievalistshavealsooftenadducedpicturesque,butatypical,examplestoillustratethesupposedlywideopportunitiesgrantedwomenRodneyHilton,forexample,usedtheverypeculiarelectionofafewfemaleofficersinearlyfifteenthcenturyHalesowen,amanorintheEnglishMidlands,toimplythatpoliticsinruralcommunitieswasnotcompletelyclosedtowomenThefemaleofficersofHalesowen,however,areaberrationstobeexplained,notnormstobeusedasexamplesFinally,byfocusingsolelyongender,medievalistshavemistakentheextensiveactivitiesofsomewomen(especiallywidows)asrepresentativeoftheconditionofallwomenBasedontheeverydaybehaviorofruralwomenofallmaritalstatuses,thefindingsdescribedinthefollowingchapterssuggestthatabonvieuxtempswillnotbefoundinthemedievalcountrysideDespitetherelativesimplicityoftheireconomicinstitutions,medievalcountrywomenencounteredpolitical,legal,economic,andsocialdisadvantagesthatdistinguishedthemsharplyfromtheirfathers,brothers,husbands,andsonsThisevidenceisparticularlytellingbecauseitcomesfromsuchalowstratumofmedievalsocietyThecomplementtothesearchforabonvieuxtempshasbeentheassumptionthatwomenoflowrankenjoyedaroughequalitywithmenoflowrankIdealizingthestatusofpoorwomenhasalonglineagethatstretchesasfarbackasthefifteenthcenturyfeministChristinedePisan,whosaidofpeasantwomen:"Albeittheybefedwithcoarsebread,milk,lardandpottageanddrinkwater,andalbeittheyhavecareandlabourenow,yetistheirlifesurer,yea,theyhavegreatersuffiWOMENINTHEMEDIEVALENGLISHCOUNTRYSIDEciency,thansomethatbeofhighestate"YettheevidencethatfollowsindicatesthatruralwomenfacedlimitationsfundamentallysimilartothoserestrictingwomenofthemoreprivilegedsectorsofmedievalsocietyNormsoffemaleandmalebehaviorinthemedievalcountrysidedrewheavilyupontheprivatesubordinationofwivestotheirhusbands,aspopularizedbysuchsayingsas,"Letnotthehencrowbeforetherooster"FemalenesswasdefinedbythesubmissivenessofwiveswhowereexpectedtodefertotheirhusbandsinbothprivateandpublicMalenesswasdennedbytheauthorityofhusbandswho,ashouseholders,controllednotonlymostdomesticaffairsbutalsomostcommunitymattersThedistinctionbetweenaprivate,femalesphereandapublic,malespherereacheditsfullestelaborationinthenineteenthcentury,butaseparationofthesexesintoprivatewivesandpublichusbandswasalreadyfirmlyestablishedinthehouseholdsofthemedievalcountrysideAsaresult,womenusuallyparticipatedmuchlessactivelythanmeninthepublicaffairsofruralcommunitiesUnabletoactasmembersofpeacekeepinggroupsoraslocalofficers,womenseldomtookpartinthesystemsofmutualdependencyandreciprocitythatboundmentogetherintoapoliticalcommunityOftenconsideredtobelegallydependentontheirheadsofhousehold,womenusedtheirlocalcourtslessfrequentlythanmentoresolvedisputesorquarrelsInheritinglandonlyintheabsenceofbrothersandreceivinglowerwagesfortheirworkthandidmen,womenwerealsolessactiveasbothlandholdersandworkersAndrelyingonpublicassociationsthatwereusuallylimitedandfocusedonfamily,womenbuiltsocialnetworksthatwerenarrowerthanthoseoftheirfathers,husbands,andbrothersPublicreticenceonthepartofwomenwasexplicitlyencouragedintheprescriptiveadmonitionsofpopularliterature,religioussermons,andlocalordinancesMedievalpreacherscriticizedwomennotonlyforfemalefoolishnessanddisobediencetomen,butalsofortheirpublicvanity,loveofgossip,andtendencytowalkaboutfreelySuchexhortationswererepeatedofteninpopularverse,asinthegoodwife'sadvice,"Dwellathome,daughter,andlovethyworkmuch"Thepublicprivatedivideinmedievalvillages,however,differedfromthedistinctionssocommoninthenineteenthcenturyBoundtogetherbyclosesettlement,communalagriculture,andsharedlordship,medievalpeasantslivedinaverypublicworldrelyingontheirIntroductionneighbors,cooperatingwithothertenants,worshippingtogetherintheparishchurchEventhemostprivateacts,sexualrelationsandmarriage,weresubjecttoconsiderablecommunityinterestandcontrolAsaresult,wiveswerenevereffectivelyisolatedfrompubliclifebecausetheirordinarydailydutiesbroughtthemintoregularcontactwithtenants,neighbors,manorialofficials,traders,andmanyothersAlthoughlesspubliclyactivethantheirhusbands,wiveswerenotinfactconfinedtoaprivatesphereMoreimportant,thepublicprivatedistinctioninthemedievalcountrysideappliedmoretohusbandsandwi

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