HappinessTaiwan_2012_2011

Discovering a Blissful Island: Religious Involvement and Happiness in Taiwan Eric Y. Liu* State University of New York Buffalo State College Harold G. Koenig Duke University Medical Center Dedong Wei Renmin University of China While most of the existing research on religious involvement and happiness has been conducted in the Western, predominantly Christian setting, our study attempts to contribute to this literature by focusing on a non-Western, non-Christian society. Using a nationally representative data set from adult residents in Taiwan, we found that: (1) belief in karma was not associated with happiness; (2) belief in a supreme god was negatively linked with happiness, but it appeared to buffer the neg- ative effect of health-related stress on happiness; (3) giving thanks, repenting, or praying every day was related with more happiness; and (4) frequency of religious attendance was unassociated with happiness. Implications of this work and future research directions are discussed. Key words: religious involvement; happiness; Taiwan. Sociologists since the founding fathers have long been interested in study- ing the complex linkages between aspects of religious involvement and mental health outcomes (Durkheim [1897]1951; Simmel 1997; Weber [1922]1963). Since the late 1980s, a growing body of empirical research has shown salutary effects of religious involvement on mental health, even with a wide array of sociodemographic and health-related statistical controls (George et al. 2002; Koenig et al. 2011). This is particularly true when it comes to personal feelings *Eric Y. Liu is also an adjunct professor in Institute for Advanced Studies of Religion at Renmin University of China. Direct correspondence to Eric Y. Liu, Center for China Studies, State University of New York Buffalo State College, Buffalo, NY 14222, USA. E-mail: liuey@buffalostate.edu. # The Author 2011. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the Association for the Sociology of Religion. All rights reserved. For permissions, please e-mail: journals.permissions@oup.com. Sociology of Religion 2011, 0:0 1-23 doi:10.1093/socrel/srr032 1 Sociology of Religion Advance Access published August 8, 2011 by guest on August 9, 2011 so crel.oxfordjournals.org D ow nloaded from of happiness (Andrews and McKennell 1980; Koenig et al. 2001; Myers 1993), which is considered an indicator of subjective well-being and sometimes an item on indices of psychological distress (Mirowsky and Ross 2003). Despite the growing evidence relating religious involvement to positive mental health outcomes, prior findings on this relationship have remained mixed, with several issues becoming sources of continuing scholarly debates (Hackney and Sanders 2003; Schieman 2011). First, researchers have not agreed on which dimensions of religious involvement are most relevant for mental health (Krause 1993; Williams 1994). Although religious involvement is conceptualized as a multidimensional construct (Levin et al. 1995), some scholars still prefer a single religiosity item or scale (Schieman et al. 2003). Second, most of the previous research has stressed the importance of organiza- tional aspects of religious involvement (e.g., frequency of church attendance) for mental health, but the influence of nonorganizational religious involvement (e.g., religious beliefs and values and private practice) on mental health has been poorly studied (Ellison et al. 2001, 2009b). In addition, most prior research has been focused on societies dominated by the Judeo-Christian-Islamic tradition, particularly the United States, but the religion–mental health connection has been seriously understudied in non-Western, non-Christian societies (Elliot and Hayward 2009; Koenig et al. 2011; Snoep 2008). This neglect limits the scope of the current scholarship and hinders researchers from offering cross-cultural insights into the continuing debate over the religion–mental health relationship. However, some evidence suggests that religion may impact mental health, particularly personal happi- ness, in different ways in the non-Western, non-U.S. populations, because the social and economic functions of churches and the cultural and political cir- cumstances vary across nations (Elliot and Hayward 2009; Snoep 2008; Suhail and Chaudry 2004). In view of these limitations in the prior literature, our study focuses on the relationship between multidimensional religious involve- ment and happiness in Taiwan. Taiwanese society has been dominated by the traditional Chinese religions for centuries, with the largest tradition being Chinese popular religion,1 fol- lowed by Buddhism, Taoism, other smaller sects and new religious movements (Chiu 2006). As a result of the lifting of the martial law in 1987, Taiwan has experienced a vigorous religious growth and the vast majority of Taiwanese adults have come to define themselves as religious or spiritual. However, little has been said about the relationship of religious involvement to mental health in general, and happiness in particular in the unique context of Taiwanese society (Yeager et al. 2006). Thus far, there have been only two studies that 1Chinese popular religion includes various ritual practices such as ancestor worship, exorcism, and divination. It has no full-time specialists, and there is no congregation or group worship in its temples. Most popular rituals are carried out at home or at the shrine of the locality god (Overmyer 1986). 2 SOCIOLOGY OF RELIGION by guest on August 9, 2011 so crel.oxfordjournals.org D ow nloaded from examined the association of religious attendance and happiness in Taiwan (Chang 2009; Tsou and Liu 2001), while the role of religious beliefs and devo- tional activities being neglected. Our study contributes to the literature on religion and happiness in several ways. Inspired by the previous theoretical and empirical work in the field, we set out to develop a series of hypotheses regarding the associations of multifac- eted religious involvement and happiness in Taiwan. These hypotheses are then tested using data from a large representative sample of Taiwanese adults. BACKGROUND Religious Beliefs Two competing views about the relationships of religious beliefs and mental health have recently emerged in the literature. On the one hand, it is argued that religious beliefs, values, and worldviews may provide ideational coherence and order, thus bolstering happiness (Antonovsky 1987; Berger 1970; Ellison 1991; Petersen and Roy 1985). On the other hand, a line of inquiries argues that some religious beliefs such as the notions of sin, divine omnipotence, devils, and hell provoke anxiety, produce unnecessary fear, and cultivate feelings of guilt, shame, self-doubt as well as other forms of pathology which harm mental health (Ellis 1962; Ellison 1993, 1994; Freud 1976; Koenig et al. 1993; Schieman et al. 2006; Watters 1992). Previous research has gar- nered empirical support for both perspectives, finding that belief in eternal life was associated with higher levels of life satisfaction (Ellison et al. 2001), and belief in sin was linked with more anxiety in the U.S. population (Ellison et al. 2009a). Early classic works in sociology suggest that Asian theologies and superna- tural beliefs are crucial for individual assessment of life quality (Weber [1958]1996). Unfortunately, little research has been conducted to examine the relationship between Chinese religious beliefs and happiness, except one study that suggests that belief in fate was associated with higher levels of life satisfac- tion in mainland China (Chen et al. 2006). In this study, we focus on the roles of two key beliefs that are particularly prominent in Taiwan’s religion domain: belief in karma and belief in a supreme god.2 Karma belief upholds the view that the law of karmic cause and effect operates in the endless cycle of rebirth. According to the karmic laws, evil deeds will ultimately lead to suf- fering in the present or next life, and good deeds will plant the seeds of happi- ness that will sprout in future (Shengyen 2007). The karma doctrines are known as the “most consistent theodicy ever produced by history” that places a 2Belief in karma has transcended boundaries of Chinese religions such as Buddhism, Taoism, and popular religion. Jade Emperor is the highest god in Chinese popular religion. RELIGIOUS INVOLVEMENT AND HAPPINESS IN TAIWAN 3 by guest on August 9, 2011 so crel.oxfordjournals.org D ow nloaded from person “within a clear circle of duties and offer him a well-rounded, metaphysically-satisfying conception of the world” (Weber [1958]1996: 121– 32), and provide a cosmological explanation of life existence (Ch’en 1964). Empirical evidence from Taiwan indicates that belief in karma was related with higher levels of internal locus of control (Liu 2009), which in turn may be beneficial for happiness (Mirowsky and Ross 2003; Sastry and Ross 1998). Thus, our first hypothesis is proposed as follows: Hypothesis 1a: The strength of belief in karma will be positively linked with happiness. Along with the belief in karmic laws, belief in a supreme god has also gained wide popularity in Taiwan (Weller 2000). In the Chinese pantheon that represents a celestial bureaucracy, Jade Emperor is the supreme ruler of Heaven and Earth who possesses the ultimate power to punish human beings and determine their fate (Feuchtwang 2001). However, Jade Emperor is not perceived of as loving, responsive, caring, wise, and fair (Roberts et al. 1975). On the contrary, Jade Emperor bears a remarkable resemblance to the ancient gods of Greece and Rome, who were viewed as irrational, apathetic, capricious, and having limited powers and influence (Stark 2001, 2004). Some empirical research based on ethnographic data has indicated that the image of Jade Emperor was highly correlated with strangeness, capriciousness, badness, and other negative characteristics (Roberts et al. 1975). Therefore, one would expect a reversed direction of the relationship between strength of belief in a supreme god and happiness. Let us state this as a hypothesis: Hypothesis 1b: The strength of belief in a supreme god will be inversely linked with happiness.3 Devotional Practices Devotional activity is another nonorganizational dimension of religious involvement that may bolster happiness. Devotional practices may benefit hap- piness by helping individuals establish and maintain exchange relationships with perceived supernatural beings (Ellison et al. 2001). For instance, prayer and encounters with the divine may reinforce the comprehensive interpretive framework by which the individual can interpret and ascribe meaning to daily life affairs (Krause 2005; Poloma and Pendleton 1989). Scriptural study and other private practices may also strengthen divine relationships with the super- natural beings, providing persons with daily guidance and reassurance (Pollner 1989; Poloma and Gallup 1991). Moreover, individuals who engage in devo- tional practices may derive solace, comfort, optimism, and other positive 3As will be discussed later, however, belief in a supreme god may buffer the negative effects of health-related stress, which in turn increases levels of personal happiness. 4 SOCIOLOGY OF RELIGION by guest on August 9, 2011 so crel.oxfordjournals.org D ow nloaded from emotions (Kirkpatrick 2004; Pargament 1997). In addition, devotional activ- ities guided by religious values and norms may protect persons from being exposed to varied life stressors and encourage them to live a moral, healthy life (Foley 1988; Wink et al. 2005). Devotional activities provide a unified way in which Taiwanese persons act to realize a happy life (Freedman 1974). Individuals appeal to the supernatural for their situational needs and (mostly secular) desires through performing a wide variety of devotional practices such as praying to gods, worshiping ances- tor spirits, chanting Buddha names, burning incense or offering food to gods and spirits, reading religious scriptures, reciting Taoist mantras, practicing med- itation, cultivating Qi, and others (Jochim 1986; Overmyer 1986; Pas 1979). Further, these devotional practices reflect the common ethical codes of Chinese religion that forbid unhealthy life habits. For example, the five basic Buddhist precepts renounce killing, stealing, lying, committing sexual miscon- ducts, and intoxication with alcohol and other substances. Similarly, Taoist discipline, which is modeled after the Buddhist precepts, requires moral uprightness, formal procedures, physical restrictions, and self-restraint (Kohn 2001). The Buddhist and Taoist ethical codes and precepts have been well incorporated into the Chinese popular religion, which lacks its own systematic theodicies. Indeed, previous research conducted in Taiwan has indicated that praying was negatively associated with psychological distress (Liu et al. 2011). Thus, we expect that at least some forms of devotional activities such as prayer will have salutary benefits for happiness: Hypothesis 2 Some forms of devotional activities, especially prayer, will be associated with higher levels of happiness. Religious Attendance Organizational aspects of religious involvement may influence happiness in several ways. First, participants in religious activities may enjoy opportunities offered regularly by churches, synagogues, and temples for developing friend- ships and social networks among like-minded persons (Witter et al. 1985). These interpersonal ties developed in the religious context may well extend into daily life (McIntosh and Alston 1982). Thus, members of religious groups may receive emotional, material, and social support both from official church programs and personnel (Bierman 2006; Eng et al. 1985), and from their infor- mal social networks (Maton 1987; Pargament et al. 2005; Taylor and Chatters 1988). Second, group participation in ritual activities may reinforce the impor- tance of personal faith in daily life (Ellison et al. 1989) and accord significant meanings to these ritual events (Petersen and Roy 1985). Moreover, religious groups may promote religious norms regarding healthy personal lifestyles (Levin and Vanderpool 1987; Pescosolido and Georgianna 1989), and punish deviant behaviors of group members (Ellison 1991; Umberson 1987). RELIGIOUS INVOLVEMENT AND HAPPINESS IN TAIWAN 5 by guest on August 9, 2011 so crel.oxfordjournals.org D ow nloaded from Taiwan temples serve as the life centers for the local Chinese community (Katz 2003; Weller 2000). Pas (1979:183) indicates that “each neighborhood, hamlet or village has its own temple, and this temple is the focal point of the whole group, around which social life is organized.” “Without religion there could be no villages, towns, or markets [in Taiwan]” (Skoggard 1996:36). Since the early 1980s, temples from different denominational backgrounds have evolved into more organized forms by establishing permanent congregations to strengthen local social networks (Jones 1999; Lin 2000; Madsen 2007). Nagata (1999), for instance, observes that in order to adapt to the democratized envi- ronment and compete for membership and success, many Buddhist groups emu- lated Christian churches to create “Christian-type social service.” As temples have served as gateways of declaring community membership and asserting the right to future social and supernatural support, participation in religious rituals in Chinese temples becomes important for the well-being of the whole com- munity and individual families in Taiwan (Pas 1979; Weller 2000). Recent empirical research based on 1999 Taiwan Social Change Survey (TSCS) has shown salutary effects of frequency of religious attendance on happiness (Chang 2009).4 This discussion leads to the following hypothesis: Hypothesis 3 More frequent religious attendance will be linked with greater happiness. Stress-Buffering and Stress-Exacerbating Effects In addition to the main effects of religious involvement discussed above, increasing scholarly attention has been given to assessing the extent to which relations of religious involvement and happiness are contingent on levels of stress. For instance, prior literature suggests that religious involvement may buffer the deleterious effects of negative life events, especially health-related stresses, on happiness (Ellison et al. 2001; Schnittker 2001; Smith et al. 2003; Tabak and Mickelson 2009; Williams et al. 1991). First, at least two mecha- nisms might be at work for nonorganizational aspects of religious involvement: (1) religious beliefs and worldviews may influence individuals to reinterpret stressful events as part of a grand divine plan, as less severe than they might appear, or as positive opportunities for spiritual or personal maturation (McIntosh et al. 1993); (2) individuals engaged in devotional activities may gain greater confidence that they can manage life stresses by virtue of the divine power (Idler 1995; Pargament 1997; Pargament et al. 1990). Second, organizational aspects of religious involvement such as religious attendance may moderate the negative consequences of life stressors through such 4The other study did not find that frequency of religious attendance was related with happiness based on the TSCS (Tsou and Liu 2001). In that study, frequency of religious attendance was treated only as a control variable, and possible nonlinearity was not checked. 6 SOCIOLOGY OF RELIGION by guest on August 9, 2011 so crel.oxfordjournals.org D ow nloaded from underlying mechanisms as group sanctions against unhealthy and risky behav- iors (McLaughlin et al. 1997), social integration and support (Ellison and Levin 1998), self-esteem enhancement (Carothers et al. 2005), and the culti- vation of a sense of meaning or life purpose (Steger and Frazier 2005). The buf- fering role of religious involvement has been particularly prominent in the negative link between health-related stresses and happiness (Mattlin et al. 1990; Stack 1983). While the stress-buffering perspective of religiousness has recently emerged in the literature, scholarly interest in stress-exacerbating effects of religious involvement on happiness has also been renewed (Ellison et al. 2001; Sorenson et al. 1995; Strawbridge et al. 1998). In brief, the stress-exacerbating perspec- tive argues that higher levels of religious involvement (both organizational and nonorganizational) may amplify—rather than mitigate—the already deleterious effects of stresses on mental health (Strawbridge et al. 1998). For example, in certain stressful situations (e.g., illness, bereavement, family issues, marital struggles, domestic abuse, problems with children, caregiver stress, and financial and legal troubles), belief systems, religious values, and social norms within religious communities may lead to negative emotions such as guilt and shame, stigmatization, social disapproval or denunciation, and withdraw of support by fellow believers, which ultimately aggravate the consequences of life stressors on mental disorders (Ellison 1994). While prior theorizing and empirical tests on the exacerbating effects of religious involvement were focused on mental illness such as depression (Ellison et al. 2001; Strawbridge et al. 1998), it seems plausible that the stress-exacerbating mechanisms might also have impli- cations for emotional and psychological health (Schieman 2011). Taken together, we propose the following hypotheses with a special emphasis on health-related stress: Hypothesis 4 The effect of religious involvement on happiness will be more positive among individuals who experience health-related stress. Hypothesis 5 The negative effect of health-related stress on happiness will be greater among individuals with high levels of religious involvement