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China Gender the World Bank 2000.pdf

China Gender the World Bank 200…

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简介:本文档为《China Gender the World Bank 2000pdf》,可适用于经济金融领域,主题内容包含CHINACOUNTRYGENDERREVIEWWORLDBANKPreparedbyElaineZuckermanwithAlfBlikberga符等。

CHINA COUNTRY GENDER REVIEW WORLD BANK Prepared by Elaine Zuckerman with Alf Blikberg and Menglin Cao for the East Asia and Pacific Region and the Gender Methods Thematic Group Poverty Reduction and Economic Management Network 2000 1 CHINA COUNTRY GENDER REVIEW Country Gender Reviews (CGRs) The Bank seeks to integrate gender analysis into World Bank Economic and Sector Work (ESW), Country Assistance Strategies (CASs) and projects (World Bank 1999a) because evidence has mounted that countries that discriminate on the basis of gender tend to have greater poverty, slower economic growth, weaker governance and a lower quality of life. Conversely, gender equality is conducive to poverty reduction and economic growth (World Bank 2000a). Therefore, the Bank is preparing Country Gender Reviews which identify and analyze priority gender issues constraining development. They will be available for ESW, CAS and project task managers and staff who often lack resources to research gender concerns (Zuckerman 2000). Introduction ince 1949, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has sought to change the unequal relationship between men and women and to provide legal protection for women. In many ways, women’s status has improved over the last 50 years. Some of the most pernicious manifestations of gender inequality such as binding women’s feet have been eradicated. Women have been provided access to education and the political process, long denied them. But deeply entrenched patriarchal customs, such as the preference for a boy-child and inferior treatment of girls in rural families, persist. Other backward gender practices thought to have been eradicated during the Mao era have been reemerging during the transition from a state to a market economy, including female infanticide, trafficking in young girls and prostitution. At the same time, the transition to a market economy has permitted women to become successful entrepreneurs. There are many complexities to China’s gender situation. China’s laws guaranteeing and promoting gender equality are enlightened by any standards and could serve as a benchmark for other countries striving for gender equality. Under Chinese law, equal rights for women and men are guaranteed in access to employment, equal pay, compulsory education, political participation, property, marriage and health. Trafficking and kidnapping women and prostitution are prohibited. Affirmative action programs exist to realize gender equality. But it is easier to enact laws than to implement them. This report addresses the gender implications of these legal issues and of access to the labor market, education and health services, vulnerability to violence and political participation. These were the issues identified by stakeholders as the thorniest gender gaps in China today. 1 1 These priorities identified by stakeholders do not constitute a comprehensive list of issues with gender implications in China and they are not in a priority order since they are all important. S 2 Methodology This report, a desk study, is based on the following elements: Stakeholder consultation. China gender specialists, especially in-country, including leaders of the All China Women’s Federation (ACWF), non-governmental organizations (NGOs), women’s studies centers and others were each asked to identify about a half dozen most critical gender priorities.2 Then the Bank East Asia and Pacific Region (EAP) gender coordinator, the Beijing country office Gender Specialist, and staff of the Poverty Reduction and Economic Management, Gender and Development Group (PRMGE) and other units were consulted about the stakeholders’ priorities. Bank staff endorsed the stakeholders’ priorities and requested that the framework for the CGR analysis be the transition from a state to a market economy. Data collection. Extensive sex-disaggregated data were collected, reflected to some extent in the CGR graphs and data contained in the report. We also compiled a set of more extensive China Gender Statistics and prepared additional China Gender Graphs available in the Background Documents listed at the end of the CGR. Data were collected from government, civil society, international agency and academic publications and studies. The bulk of the data consist of official statistics, which even government officials claim are often unreliable. There are large gaps in the sex- disaggregated data available. For example, consumption and welfare data have not been collected in terms of intra-household distribution so it is impossible to know if men or women and girls or boys receive more or less education, nutrition and health care. Poverty in China has been measured down to the county level, rarely down to the household level and hardly within the household where the most meaningful sex-disaggregated individual data would exist. At EAP’s suggestion, gender information was sought in newspapers to complement official statistics. It is recommended that future gender data collection attempts to redress the intra-household data gap. Literature research. Library and web publications and documents prepared for the Beijing Plus Five Symposium were reviewed. Detailed analyses of each of the priority gender issues discussed below are available in the Background Documents listed at the CGR end. In addition, stories documenting gender issues from the press were collected provide a qualitative complement to the quantitative data collected. Examples are presented in boxes. Bank portfolio analysis. A portfolio analysis assessed the extent of gender integration in the China CAS, ESW and a sample of projects. The CGR contains a summary of this analysis. The detailed portfolio analysis is available in the Background Documents listed at the CGR end. China is a vast multifaceted country. Given limited resources, this review discussed national trends and provides a few local examples but it could not capture the many different regional and minority nationality nuances coexisting in China. It is recommended that the next phase of the China CGR work encompass fieldwork to collect and present some local gender variations. Fieldwork is also important to complement this report’s quantitative data with qualitative data collected in interviews and focus groups. Fieldwork would broaden the participatory nature of the report by including views of the most important stakeholders, the ultimate beneficiaries of government and Bank interventions. Deeper stakeholder participation which fieldwork permits is recommended for all CGRs The EAP region requested that the China CGR be around 15 pages to facilitate its use by country officers, task team leaders and other clients. More detailed information about gender issues in China is available in the Background Documents listed at the end of the report.3 2 A full list of stakeholders consulted is contained in the Background Documents available at http://worldbank.org/gender/cgr/. 3 All background materials are available electronically at http://worldbank.org/gender/cgr. 3 Poverty and Gender In the last twenty years, China has experienced a tremendous decline in overall poverty (World Bank 2000c) but little is known about its gender-differentiated effects. Generally, poverty reduction and economic development tend to reduce gender disparities (World Bank 2000a). If this general principle applies to China, then its gender gaps should be narrowing. During the 1980s and 1990s, GDP growth exceeded 10 percent annually. Indeed, spurred by rapid economic growth and market liberalization, millions of Chinese were lifted out of poverty. How extensive is Chinese poverty, where is it concentrated and are women overrepresented among China’s poor? It is easier to answer the first two questions than the third. Although there is no consensus on the extent of poverty, the two main views agree that it has decreased dramatically over the last 20 years. In rural areas, where 70 percent of the population resides and most of the poor are concentrated, government statistics suggest that poverty declined from 30 percent of the population in 1978 to less than 5 percent by the end of 1998, while World Bank measurements indicate that poverty declined to 11.5 percent during this period. All studies concur that poverty is increasingly concentrated in the Western provinces, especially in the remoter mountainous counties, townships and villages (World Bank 2000c; Nyberg & Rozelle 1999).4 Whereas less than half of China’s poor lived in the Western region in the late 1980s, by the mid-1990s, the proportion reached more than two thirds (World Bank 2000c). Ethnic minorities compose a disproportionate number of the poor. Although they represent less than 9 percent of the total population, they account for some 40 percent of the absolute poor who live in the deepest poverty.5 With few exceptions, most argue that women are not overrepresented among China’s poor (Nyberg & Rozelle 1999; World Bank 2000c). However, sparse or no data substantiate this position. Existing Chinese poverty data at best disaggregate to the household level but more commonly only to the county level. The assumption that households pool income and allocate resources for consumption, production and investment equitably obscures differences in income distribution between males and females within the household (World Bank 2000a). To truly measure the gender dimensions of poverty requires sex- disaggregated welfare measures such as nutrition intake. In China and in most countries, it is difficult to estimate the number of individual men and women living in poverty for lack of these data. Although sex-disaggregated consumption and welfare data are lacking, there is evidence that illiteracy and lack of education are concentrated among Chinese women and girls in poor counties (World Bank 1999b). In many of the poorest villages, nearly all girls and about half of the boys do not attend school and remain illiterate (World Bank 2000c). There is also evidence that girls in poor areas obtain less health care and less nutritious foods than boys (Zia 2000). Moreover, China’s female suicide rate, the highest in the world -- five times the world average -- mainly reflects the deep misery poor rural women suffer. Since poverty is multifaceted, based on elements including poor health, illiteracy, low education levels, low income and social and psychological insecurity, it appears that Chinese women might be overrepresented among the poor. To verify or negate this hypothesis, it is recommended that future household surveys, to the extent feasible, collect sex disaggregated data. 4 Townships have populations over 3,000 with more than 70 percent of them non-agricultural or populations over 2,500 with more than 85 percent of them non-agricultural. China has some 2,275 counties covering rural populations living outside of cities and towns (Division of Administrative Areas in China). 5 Minority autonomous counties accounted for three quarters of all nationally designated poor counties with annual per capita incomes below 400 yuan (US$48.32) and more than four fifths of nationally designated poor counties with annual per capita income under 300 yuan (US$36.24). 4 Even if Chinese women or men are not disproportionately represented among the poor, since poverty is experienced differently by men and women, effective poverty reduction strategies must be based on the different constraints and needs of men and women. The remainder of this paper examines the priority gender gaps identified for this review by stakeholders. China’s poverty reduction strategies and Bank- supported operations should address these poverty-related gender priority issues. Labor Markets China has achieved greater female participation and gender equality in the workplace than have many other countries. Women currently comprise 46 percent of the workforce, up from 44 percent in 1982 (China Daily, May 13, 2000; United Nations 1997). Women received 80 percent of the pay men received in the rural industrial sector in 1985 and 88 percent of men’s pay in the state sector in 1987 (World Bank 2000b). However, the income gap has been increasing since then with deepening labor market liberalization. By 1990, women earned 83 percent of men’s pay and by 1999 only 77 percent (Graph 1). Men have consistently occupied most managerial and higher skilled positions. The share of female administrators and managers was under 12 percent in 1997 (UNDP 1997). As labor markets have liberalized during the last 20 years of transition from a state to a market economy, there have been deeply felt gender-differentiated effects including: A competitive labor market has replaced the Mao era “iron rice bowl” that provided lifetime employment with guaranteed welfare benefits including housing, health care, education, generous, early pensions and amenities.6 Conforming to global trends, the transition has spurred contractual, temporary and informal sector jobs lacking social protection. State affirmative action policies have receded while traditional gender stereotypes and values have reemerged including increasing gender discrimination in the labor market. During the transition, women have had a harder time than men obtaining and keeping jobs. Job ads often specify men or young, attractive women although such job discrimination flaunts the 1992 Women’s Law (see Legal Protection below). Official statistics indicate that in 1998, some 48 females were laid off for every 40 males laid off (Graph 2). Migration in search for better paying jobs, virtually prohibited during the Mao era,7 took off during the 1980s market opening. By the 1990s, close to 70 million rural people had migrated to the cities for jobs, about two thirds of them men and one third women (Graph 3). Today, the estimated migrant population exceeds 100 million (Washington Times, July 14, 2000). Recently the rate of female out- 6 Chinese workers in State-owned-enterprises received amenities such as soap, toilet paper and even theater tickets, which work units distributed to employees on a rotation basis. 7 Migration controls were enforced through the Residence Permit system. Food, housing and other basic needs could only be obtained in the locality stamped in one’s Residence Permit. Graph 1 Urban Wo men Wo rkers' Average Wage as % o f Urban M en Wo rkers, by Emplo yment and Educatio n Level, 1999 70% 87% 70% 85% 77% Primary or below Universit y or above Private ownership employees SOE's Employees Aggregat e t ot al Source: China Inf ormat ion News, February 2, 2000 Graph 2 R e a s o ns fo r Urba n Une m plo ym e nt , 19 9 8 (m a le =10 0 , fe m a le =10 0 ) 0 10 20 30 40 50 Lay-of f s Gr aduates f ai l to f ind jobs Wor k uni t bankr uptcy Resigned or di smissed Other male f emale Sour ce: China Stati sti cal Year book, 1999 5 migration surpassed that of males although the absolute number of male migrants exceeds that of females (Nyberg & Rozelle 1999). Male migrants tend to work in construction and heavy industry while female migrants predominate in services and light manufacturing including domestic work, textiles, food-processing, electronics and other labor- intensive industries (Huang 1999). The female jobs are usually filled by rural women who work in township and village enterprises (TVEs) or rural unmarried girls who work in coastal, export-oriented industries for a couple of years and then return home (UNDP 1999b). Agriculture is becoming feminized because heavy rural male migration to cities leaves women in charge of the family farm (Judd 1990; Kerr 1996; UNDP 1999b). Male migrants earn significantly more than do women farmers, widening the earnings gap between the two genders (Kerr 1996). However, women left on the farm are not necessarily poorer than migrant men since husbands send substantial remittances back home. But women’s heavier agricultural workload has exacerbated the tensions between women’s productive and reproductive roles and is considered one of the causes of Chinese women’s extraordinarily high suicide rate (See Violence below; China Daily, May 4, 2000). In the Mao era, all jobs were assigned by the government. In contrast, today women and men compete for the same jobs in the public and private sectors and both can become entrepreneurs. In the competitive labor market, women are disadvantaged by less education, fewer skills and lower social status than men (Croll 1995). Still, women constituted 39 percent of the self-employed and 35 percent of owners of private and individual businesses by 1996 (UNDP 1999b). Although women compose almost 40 percent of the self employed and half of farmers, they have much less access to credit than men (Rahman 1995; Cabral 1998; Du 2000). Men borrow most formal sector credit and until recently borrowed the majority of informal sector loans. Today, in contrast, two thirds of informal credit borrowers are women (Tsai 2000). Microcredit programs targeted to women so far consist of scattered small-scale pilots (Jiang 1997a; Du 2000).8 Women bear the brunt of layoffs in downsized and shuttered state-owned-enterprises (SOEs). It is estimated that women constitute between 60-70 percent of those laid off (Human Rights in China 1999a; Kerr 1996). For example, in heavily industrialized Liaoning Province, 62 percent of the nearly one million 1998 layoffs were women (China Women’s News, April 18, 2000). Some 30 million SOE workers were laid off in 1998-99 and another 10 million are expected to lose their jobs in 2000 (Washington Post, March 30, 2000). Education Employment and income tend to be commensurate with education, “abilities” and skills. The traditional Chinese view that women do not belong in the workplace is captured in the old Chinese saying, “For a woman to be without ability is a virtue” (Croll 1995). To overturn such thinking, in the last half century the Chinese government has promoted education for all to develop everyone’s abilities. It has financed continuous anti-illiteracy campaigns and required parents to enroll all sons and daughters in school. The 1988 Regulation for Eliminating Illiteracy, the 1986 Law of Compulsory Education, and the 1995 Education Law, all emphasize gender equality. There has been marked progress in reducing illiteracy and raising school enrolment and completion levels. 8 Interview with Michael Goldberg of CGAP, May 30, 2000. Graph 3 N o . o f R ural Labo r M igrants to C it ies and M ale-F emale C o mpo sit io n (millio ns) 0 20 40 60 80 1980's 1990's Source: CWRC, 2000a male f emale t ot al rural migrant s 6 Illiteracy has not yet been eliminated. It is mostly a rural problem and it affects women more than men. Some 70 percent of China’s 240 million illiterates or semi- illiterates are women (China Women’s News, April 11, 2000). But illiteracy is being reduced among younger cohorts. Whereas 42 percent of Chinese women over 25 were illiterate in 1990, under 26 percent of women over 15 were illiterate in 1998. This compared to 9 percent illiterate men over 15 years in 1998 (WISTAT 1994 and Graph 4). School enrolment


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