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Chen Guangcheng's Blind Injustice The true story of a dissident’s life–and daring escape. 一名異議分子的現實生活——乃至鋌而走險的逃亡 As my longtime friend, the Chinese activist Chen Guangcheng, recounted his daring escape, I joked to him that blindness was his secret weapon. Chen, blind since age 1, had chosen a moonless night to make his move. Darkness was normal. 在我的老朋友,中國活動家陳光誠講述了他大膽的逃命之後,我開玩笑說,失 明是他的秘密武器。一歲開始失明的陳光誠,選擇了一個沒有月亮的夜晚來行 動。黑暗對他而言習以為常。 For more than a year and a half, Chen, an advocate of women’s rights and for the disabled, had been held under extralegal house arrest in the far-eastern province of Shandong, having already served years in prison. When he and his wife tried to leave home or get messages to the outside world, security officers beat them brutally. Would-be visitors were roughed up, too. 超過一年半,陳光誠作為婦女權利和殘疾人的倡導者,已被法外軟禁於遠東省 份山東。他已在此服刑多年。當他和他的妻子試圖離家或獲取外界消息,警衛 會殘酷地毆打他們。試圖拜訪的人亦被粗暴對待。 Around 11 p.m. on April 22, as his captors slept, Chen scaled the compound wall. But his bid for freedom nearly failed when he dropped into an adjacent walled yard also surrounded by guards. With nowhere to run, he tensed as he heard the neighbor open the heavy courtyard door. Moving silently, he climbed up on the neighbor’s roof to hide. Once the neighbor had gone inside, Chen sneaked back down and started his mad dash to freedom. 4月22日晚上11點左右,陳光誠的警衛睡去后,他翻越了院牆。但當他墜落到 隔壁同樣被衛兵包圍的院子里,他對自由的爭取差點失敗。他無處可逃,忐忑 地聽到鄰居打開沉重的院門。他悄悄地爬上鄰居的屋頂隱藏起來。等到鄰居回 到屋裡去了,陳光誠偷偷潜回,開始瘋狂地奔向自由。 It was a grueling flight. For the next 19 hours, Chen evaded scores of guards and scaled many more walls. After breaking three bones in his right foot during one of innumerable falls, the journey became even more difficult. “It was extremely painful,” Chen told me by phone from his hospital bed days later. “I couldn’t stand or walk. So I crawled.” Eventually, struggling along the stony ground, Chen lost track of time. When he heard or sensed someone nearby, he froze in place, moving only when he thought no one would hear him. “I waited until the wind was blowing, or until the guards were listening to music on their mobile phones. Then I would start crawling again.” 這是一次艱苦的行程。在後來的19小時內,陳光誠躲避了幾十名警衛,越過了 更多的牆壁。在無數次的摔落中的某一次,他的右腳斷了三根骨頭,使行程變 得更加艱難。 “這是極其痛苦的,”在住院數日之後他在電話中告訴我,“我不 能站立或行走,只能爬。“後來,沿著石頭地面的掙扎使他失去了時間概念。當 他聽到或感覺到附近有人,就停在原地不動;只當他認為沒有人會聽到他時才 移動。“等到大風吹起,或者警衛在手機上聽音樂時,我就繼續開始爬。” Reaching an agreed-upon rendezvous, Chen met up with He Peirong, a young teacher and human-rights advocate from Nanjing also known as “Pearl,” who had disguised herself as a courier to get access to the guarded village. On earlier occasions, she had tried to visit Chen and his wife but had been beaten and robbed by the thuggish guards. Now she became his rescuer, driving him to Beijing, 300 miles away, in her truck. (He, who had worked with a Western activist to make Chen’s trademark dark aviator glasses a human-rights symbol, was later detained by authorities for several days before she was released.) Once in Beijing, Chen hid with friends and fellow activists before seeking refuge at the U.S. Embassy and, unwittingly, sparking a high-stakes diplomatic crisis. 按照之前商定的會合,陳光誠見到了何佩蓉,一位年輕教師與人權活動家,又 被稱為“珍珠”的南京人,她曾扮成郵差進入守衛森嚴的村莊。在此之前,她曾 經試圖訪問陳光誠和他的妻子,但被兇殘的守衛毆打並搶劫。現在,她成了他 的解救者,駕駛卡車將他送到300英里之外的北京。 (何佩蓉曾與一名西方活 動家一起將陳光誠標誌性的墨鏡打造成為一個關於人權的符號,事後被當局拘 留數天後釋放。)之後到了北京,陳光誠被朋友以及活動家同伴們藏匿,後尋 求在美國大使館避難,在不知不覺中引發了高風險的外交危機。 I first met Chen in 2001, as I reported a Newsweek story about the “barefoot lawyers” who in the countryside were becoming a force to be reckoned with. Our friendship was born in an unlikely setting: a Starbucks coffee shop in Beijing. There, surrounded by latte-swilling yuppies, Chen told me how, in his little hamlet, fish and turtles were dying and village kids were getting rashes because of noxious river pollution from a paper mill. Chen had helped bring 36 Shandong villagers to Beijing to “petition” central-government officials so they would discipline wayward local cadres backing the mill. “Of course, many people didn’t want us to come,” Chen said with a smile. But he prevailed. The mill stopped production. 我第一次見到陳光誠是在2001年,我在NEWSWEEK報導了一篇“赤腳律師 ”的故事。生活在農村的他們逐漸成為一股不可忽視的力量。我們的友誼開始在 一個聽上去很吊詭的地方:北京的一家星巴克咖啡,充滿了狂飲拿鐵的雅痞士 們。陳光誠告訴我,在他的小村莊,魚類和海龜如何死亡,村里的孩子如何因 為一家造紙廠對河水的污染患上皮疹。陳光誠曾協助帶領36名山東村民到北京 “上訪”,希望中央政府的官員約束無法無天的當地幹部並撤銷造紙廠。“當然, 很多人不想讓我們來”,陳光誠笑道。但他勝利了:該工廠停止生產。 Hearing about Chen’s flight to the U.S. Embassy, my mind cast back to the crisis in 1989 over Fang Lizhi, the dissident astrophysicist who similarly entered the U.S. Embassy, prompting 13 months of negotiations before departing for the West. (Fang died on April 6 this year, spending most of the rest his life in the United States.) 聽到陳光誠逃往美國大使館,我回憶起在1989年持不同政見者、天體物理學 家方勵之在危機時刻同樣進入美國大使館的事情,在動身前往西方之前促成了 13個月的談判。 (方死於今年4月6日,在美國度過大部份的餘生。) Back then the U.S. administration had much more leverage over China, which was economically weaker and politically more isolated. Now American officials faced a more confident regime. Yet Chen’s arrival at the embassy posed a problem for both Chinese and American officials. U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton was on her way to Beijing for high-level talks, and so diplomats worked around the clock to come to an agreement. 當時美國政府對於中國更顯強勢,後者比起今日,不僅經濟疲軟、而且政治上 更加孤立。現在美國官員面對的是一個更加自信的政權。然而,陳光誠抵達使 館,給中國官員與美國官員都造成了一個難題。美國國務卿Hillary Clinton將 趕到北京進行高級別會談,為此外交官們為達成協議而進行全天候工作。 After six intense days of negotiations, a deal was struck. Chen and his family would stay in China but relocate to the coastal city of Tianjin, where he could study law—something I knew he’d always dreamed of—and authorities would leave him alone. Chen emerged from the embassy, smiling, in a wheelchair. Photographers captured him hugging burly U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Kurt Campbell and holding hands with Ambassador Gary Locke. Clinton, who had just arrived in Beijing for the talks, praised the deal as one reflecting “his choices and our values.” Later, though, after things started to unravel, Chen told me that he “felt pressured to leave the embassy.” (A senior U.S. official denied that any pressure had been exerted and said Americans had begun to make contingencies for a “long-term occupancy,” discussing precedents such as the case of Hungarian Cardinal Jozsef Mindszenty, a political prisoner during the Stalinist era who sought and was granted asylum in the U.S. Embassy in Budapest and lived there for 15 years.) 經過6天激烈的談判,協議達成。陳光誠和他的家人將留在中國,但搬遷到沿 海城市天津,在那裡他可以學習他所夢想的法律,而且當局不會幹涉他。他從 大使館里出來了,坐在輪椅上面帶微笑。攝影師拍下了他擁抱身材魁梧的美國 助理國務卿Kurt Campbell以及與大使駱家輝握手的畫面。剛剛抵達北京會談 的Hillary Clinton讚揚協議反映了“他的選擇和我們的價值觀。”後來,事情揭 曉之後,陳光誠告訴我,他“感到被迫離開使館。” (一位美國高級官員否認已 施加任何壓力,並聲稱美國人已經開始準備應對“長期入住”,同時討論了諸如 匈牙利紅衣主教Jozsef Mindszenty的例子,此人作為斯大林時代的一名政治 犯在布達佩斯的美國大使館被授予庇護,並在該處生活了15年。) At the Beijing hospital, where Chen was brought for medical treatment, he was reunited with his wife, Yuan Weijing, and their two children, Chen Kerui, 10, and Chen Kesi, 6. But any euphoria quickly faded as his wife told him that she had been tied to a chair for two days and interrogated by local thugs who had threatened to beat her to death if he didn’t leave the embassy. Chen also learned how relatives and supporters had disappeared since his escape. Chen had expressly said he wanted to stay in China. But now— with U.S. officials gone and, he told me, unreachable—he started to fear for his family’s safety. When I spoke to him on the phone, he pleaded with me to help get him out. “My fervent hope is that it would be possible for me and my family to leave for the U.S. on Hillary Clinton’s plane,” he told me, carefully avoiding any mention of political asylum. “I hope to seek medical treatment in the U.S. with my family, and then I want to rest,” he added. 在陳光誠接受治療的北京醫院,他與妻子袁偉靜以及他們的兩個孩子團聚。但 當妻子告訴他,她已被綁在椅子上兩天,而且當地暴徒威脅說如果他不離開使 館就要將她打死時,一切的愉悅感迅速消失。他還了解到,在他逃跑之後親屬 和支持者是如何被消失的。他曾明確表示,希望留在中國。但現在美國官員走 了,他告訴我,他開始為他的家人的安全擔心。當我與他手機交談時,他懇求 我的幫助。“我熱切地希望我和我的家人可以搭乘Hillary Clinton的專機去往美 國,”他告訴我,小心地避免提及任何有關政治避難的字眼。 “我希望與家人一 起去美國接受治療,而且我想休息,”他補充道。 It was a humble wish for someone who had undertaken such an extraordinary journey. 對於一個具有如此不凡經歷的一個人來說,這是一個如此卑微的願望。 Born in the rural village of Dongshigu, more than 100 miles from the provincial capital, Chen had trained first as an acupuncturist and a masseur before teaching himself law. In 1996, when he was just 24 years old, he traveled to Beijing to complain to central authorities that his family was being compelled to pay taxes for him, even though his disability exempted him by law. His family— startled—received a tax refund, and before long other disabled farmers were flocking to seek Chen’s legal advice. 出生在距離省會100多英里東師古鄉村的陳光誠,一開始接受了針灸師和按摩 師的培訓,後來自學法律。1996年,年僅24歲的他來到北京,向中央主管機 關抱怨他的家人正在被迫為他繳納稅收,而他作為殘疾人,根據法律應該得以 豁免。他的家人很驚訝地收到了退稅,不久之後其他殘疾農民紛紛前來找他尋 求法律諮詢。 By the late 1990s, Chen had become part of a movement of self- taught farmers known as the “barefoot lawyers,” who sought to protect themselves against abusive local officials by challenging their government in court. (In 1997 another blind peasant, 61-year- old Liu Naitang, applied for tax-exempt status on account of his handicap. When the local party secretary learned of his petition, he began denouncing Liu over the village loudspeakers. “Liu Naitang, you stingy blind man,” he railed for nearly a month. “You disabled people make no contribution to society, so why should we do you any favors?” Chen’s family advised him of his rights and eventually helped him get tax exemption.) 90年代末,陳光誠加入了一個自學成才農民的運動“赤腳律師”,設法通過在法 庭上挑戰政府的方式,面對濫用權力的地方官員們進行自我保護。 (1997年 另一個盲人農民,61歲的劉奶糖,同樣出於殘疾申請免稅。當地黨委書記得知 他的請願,開始通過村里的揚聲器譴責劉奶糖。“劉奶糖,你這小氣的瞎子, ”如此辱罵將近一個月。“你們殘疾人對社會毫無貢獻,為什麼我們應該給你們 好處?”陳光誠一家提醒他所具有的合法權利,並最終幫助他獲得免稅。) After his environmental fight against the paper mill, Chen contacted Western media, diplomats, and NGOs in an effort to help improve villagers’ access to clean water. When the British Embassy agreed to bankroll a new 180-meter-deep well, Chen was proud of what his little hamlet of Dongshigu had achieved. (“It’s so remote it barely gets a television signal,” he said, chuckling. “If it rains, no one can watch TV.”) 陳光誠在針對造紙廠的環保鬥爭中得勝後,開始接觸西方媒體、外交官和非政 府組織,努力幫助村民獲得清潔的水源。當英國大使館同意為一口180米深的 新井提供資金,他為他的小村莊所取得的進展感到自豪。(“它是那樣偏僻,幾 乎沒有電視信號,”他笑道,“一旦下雨,沒有人能看電視。”) When I met him, Chen wasn’t yet seen as a subversive—that came later—but he told me authorities were already suspicious of his foreign contacts. In August 2001, when we met again in Beijing, he had traveled 12 hours by train “to work on a project with the British Embassy to help the disabled.” Chen quietly confided to me that he had been investigated by Chinese security officials “after receiving a letter from the British Embassy. They questioned me and others, asking ‘How did you get in contact [with them]?’” 當我見到他時,陳水扁尚未被視為一個顛覆者,但他告訴我,當局已經開始懷 疑他的海外聯繫。2001年8月,當我們在北京再次會面,他已乘坐了12小時的 火車前去“與英國大使館一起致力於一個幫助殘疾人的項目。”陳悄悄向我吐露 自己“在受到一封來自英國大使館的信件之後”已被中國的安全官員調查。他們 質疑我和其他人,問道“你是如何[與他們]聯繫上的?” A few years later, Chen reached out to me again, urging me to read a Chinese book on rural conflicts in Anhui, which someone had read to him. “Police there would hit people with clubs, then ask: ‘Did I beat you?’ One poor guy who said ‘yes’ was beaten until he died,” Chen said. “He was an activist, just like me.” Chen said he was inspired to write his own book—on the plight of the disabled in rural China—and that he was dictating the book into a small recorder or directly to his brother. “I need a computer,” he told me. “Could you lend me one?” I was just about to donate an antiquated desktop to a charity; instead, I gave it to Chen. Worried about its bulk and weight, I called out to him as we parted ways at his shabby guesthouse: “Can you handle it?” Chen just smiled and waved me away. 幾年後,陳光誠再次找我,催促我閱讀一本關於安徽村民衝突的書籍,之前有 人向他讀過這本書。“在那裡警察結隊打人,然後問:‘我打你了么?’一個可憐 的傢伙說了‘有’然後被毆打致死,”他說,“他是一個活動家,就像我一樣。”他 想要親自寫書,關於中國農村殘疾人的困境——他使用一個小錄音機,或直接 向他的弟弟口述。“我需要一台電腦,”他告訴我。“你能借給我一台嗎?”我恰 好要把一個過時的台式機捐贈給慈善機構,於是就給了他。我擔心它的體積和 重量,在離開簡陋的旅館各奔東西之前,我問他:“你能拿得動么?”他只是笑 笑,揮手向我道別。 In 2005 Chen took up another cause, this time against family- planning authorities in Linyi, Shandong, who forced people to have abortions and sterilizations in a draconian pursuit of the country’s one-child policy. Even though Chinese laws ban such brutal measures, thousands of rural women were forced to undergo even late-term abortions; those who escaped were detained and tortured. Chen launched a high-profile campaign to publicize the abuses and filed a class-action lawsuit on the victims’ behalf. Linyi authorities branded Chen as working with “anti-China” forces; the following year, he was charged with “damaging property and organizing a mob to disturb traffic.” At the trial, his own lawyers weren’t allowed to appear, and Chen spent more than four years in prison. When released in September 2010, he discovered that local authorities had turned his farmhouse into another kind of prison. Sheets of metal covered the windows; guards prevented any contact with the outside world. When human-rights groups posted a video on the Internet detailing their confinement, Chen and his wife were beaten by the guards. Their harsh treatment reflected the desire of local authorities to retaliate, he told me. 陳光誠在2005年被提起的另一個原因是,這回他針對的是山東省臨沂市的計劃 生育部門,後者為這個國家的獨生子女政策苛刻地強迫人們進行墮胎和絕育。 儘管中國法律禁止這種野蠻的措施,成千上萬的農村婦女被迫接受墮胎甚至晚 期墮胎;那些得以逃脫的人遭到拘留和拷打。陳高調地展開活動以宣傳濫用權 力,并代表受害者提出一類訴訟。臨沂當局將陳定性為“反華”勢力,次年他被 指控“故意破壞財產和聚眾擾亂交通罪”。他的律師不被允許出庭,接下來的4年 多他在監獄中度過。當2010年9月被釋放時,他發現地方當局已將他的農屋變 成了另一種形式的監獄。金屬片覆蓋著窗戶;警衛阻止他與外界有任何接觸。當 人權組織在互聯網上公佈視頻描述他們的禁閉,陳和他的妻子遭到警衛毆打。 他告訴我,他們的殘酷遭遇,反映了地方當局的報復慾望。 Chen lived like this for a long time, his wife and children sharing his darkness. And then he began planning. Feigning illness for weeks, Chen stayed in bed, so the guards might think he was feeble and weak, before making his escape. 陳光誠如此生活了很長一段時間,他的妻子和孩子們也共享了他的黑暗。然 後,他開始籌劃。他裝了幾個星期的病,躺在床上,所以在他逃走之前,衛兵 大概會以為他十分虛弱。 Once in Beijing, he connected with friends and fellow activists Hu Jia and his wife, Zeng Jinyan. Hu, who spent three years in prison after criticizing China’s human-rights record in a videoconference with European lawmakers, posted a photo on the Internet of himself with the fugitive Chen. As I write this, the couple is still under house arrest, according to Zeng’s tweets. 一到北京,他便聯繫了朋友和活動家同伴胡佳和他的妻子曾金燕。因為在一個 視頻會議與歐洲議員批評中國的人權記錄而坐牢三年的胡佳,將一張與在逃的 陳光誠的合影貼到網上。我寫這篇文章時,根據曾的推特來看,夫妻倆仍處在 軟禁之下。 Chen also met with friends of dissident artist Ai Weiwei, who left detention last year on bail but isn’t supposed to give interviews or leave Beijing. Ai and Chen have never met, but when I phoned him, Ai compared his case with Chen’s. “Both of us suffered persecution due to our work,” Ai told me, choosing his words carefully; his phone was almost certainly bugged. “What’s the best solution?” he asked. “In our situation, if one’s survival isn’t at risk, most people would want to stay in China and work in defense of people’s rights ... But Chen is in a very difficult and risky situation.” 陳光誠還與異議藝術家艾未未的朋友們見面,後者去年獲得保釋離開羈押,但 仍然無法接受採訪或離開北京。艾未未和陳光誠從未見面,但是當我打電話給 艾時,艾將自己的情況與陳做了比較。“我們都由於我們的事業遭到迫害,”艾 字斟句酌地告訴我,他的手機幾乎可以肯定被竊聽。“最好的解決辦法是什麼? ”他問。“在我們這種情況下,如果一個人的生存沒有風險,大多數人仍然希望 留在中國致力於保衛人權的事業......然而陳處在一個非常困難和危險的情況。 ” When U.S. officials escorted him out of the embassy after the six- day drama, Chen thought he had extracted a promise that the Americans would stay with him at the hospital. “But when I was brought to the hospital room, they all left. I don’t know where they went.” Hours ticked by. Dinnertime came and went. Chen and Yuan and their two young children had had nothing to eat. “I kept asking the hospital personnel for some food, but it never came.” And Chen was getting anxious. Three or four times, he’d tried to phone embassy officials, he told me, but no one picked up. “I was isolated,” he said. The harsh treatment his wife had endured— and the recent installation of surveillance cameras and electrified fencing around their home— weighed on his mind. In a phone call to me, he repeated his plea: “Please tell the embassy what I’m saying.” 六天的好戲過後,當美國使館官員護送他出去時,陳光誠認為他已經獲得了一 種美國人將留在醫院陪伴他的承諾。“但是,當我被送到醫院的病房裡,他們都 離開了。我不知道他們去哪裡了。”時間一秒地過去。晚飯時間到了,又過去 了。陳光誠夫婦和他們兩個年幼的孩子沒有吃的。“我一直在醫院工作人員請求 一些食物,但一直沒有來。”他越來越著急。有三四次,他試圖打電話給使館官 員,但沒有人接。“我被隔離了,”他說。他的妻子遭受的殘酷對待、最近安裝 的監控攝像機,還有家裡四周通了電的圍欄沉重地壓在他心裡。一次他打電話 給我,他重複了他的請求:“請把我所說的這些告訴大使館。” Twelve hours later, Chen phoned me again. “Things haven’t changed; I still want to leave China,” he said. But he sounded calmer. The U.S. Embassy’s deputy chief of mission, Robert Wang, had come to the hospital that morning. Although he hadn’t been allowed to talk to Chen, he had spoken instead with Chen’s wife in an embassy car parked outside the hospital. But Chen was concerned about his ability to communicate with the outside world. “It’s very difficult to call out,” he said. “My phone is either malfunctioning or somehow being interfered with.” He wondered how he could get a new cellphone. 12小時後,陳光誠再次打電話給我。“事情並沒有改變,我還是想離開中國, ”他說。但他聽起來平靜了一些。美國大使館副館長,Robert Wang在那天早 晨曾經來到醫院。雖然他沒有被允許與陳光誠交談,他與陳光誠的妻子在停在 醫院外的使館車中進行了談話。但陳光誠關心的是他能否與外界溝通。“打出電 話非常困難,”他說。“我的手機如果不是故障,便是出於某種原因受到干擾。 ”他想知道如何得到一部新的手機。 The U.S. Embassy had given Chen four different cellphones on the assumption that the Chinese would try to jam his signal. But when an embassy officer outside the hospital attempted to call Chen, twice, the line quickly went dead, and after that the officer wasn’t able to get through at all, according to a senior U.S. official. 美國駐華使館給陳光誠四部不同的手機,以防中國試圖干擾他的信號。但據一 位美國高級官員說,當醫院外的使館人員試圖打電話給陳光誠,兩次很快就斷 線了,之後便無法再打通。 Despite apparent Chinese efforts at silencing Chen, hours later his voice sounded, loud and clear, on Capitol Hill. In the Rayburn House Office Building, where a congressional hearing on the China crisis was underway, Bob Fu, the head of China Aid, a U.S.-based Christian nonprofit, held his cellphone up to the microphone. Addressing the lawmakers directly, Chen spoke from his hospital bed, expressing concern about the fate of his mother and brothers, and repeating his request to come to the U.S. to rest. “I have not had a rest in 10 years,” he said. 儘管中國顯然極力湮滅陳光誠的聲音,幾小時後,他的聲音洪亮而清晰地在 Capitol Hill響起。在Rayburn House Office Building,在國會聽證會上對 中國的危機又起,傅希秋,總部設在美國的基督教非盈利組織China Aid的領 導者,將他的手機對準麥克風。陳直接對於議員,躺在醫院病床上發表了講 話,表達了他對母親和兄弟的命運表示關切,並重複了來美國休養的要求。 “我已經十年沒有休息了。”他說。 Shortly afterward, I reached Chen’s wife, Yuan, by phone. She sounded optimistic. News was breaking that Chen would be allowed to travel to the United States to pursue law studies. I asked Yuan if Chen was seeking a student visa. “Come to the hospital and let’s talk. It’s not safe to use this phone,” she said, adding: “Please try to find a new mobile, if you can. We have a lot of calls to make.” 不久,我通過電話聯繫上了陳光誠的妻子袁偉靜。她聽上去很樂觀。新聞爆料 陳光誠將被允許前往美國進行法律學習。我問她,陳光誠是否申請學生簽證。 “來醫院談吧,用手機不安全,”她又補充說:“如果可以,換一部新的手機 吧。我們還會通很多電話。“ With Daniel Klaidman in New York and Eli Lake in Washington, D.C


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