James L. Watson, ed. Golden Arches East: McDonald’s in East Asia. Stanford: Stanford University
Press, 1997. xvi + 256 pp. Bibliographical references and index. $45.00 (cloth), ISBN 0-804-73205-1;
$16.95 (paper), ISBN 0-804-73207-8.
Reviewed by Samuel Collins, Dongseo University, Korea.
Published by H-PCAACA (August, 1998)
When I first moved to Korea, I was
frequently confronted with occasionally egregious
comparisons between "American" and "Korean"
culture. "Koreans eat lunch quickly; Americans
east slowly." "Koreans eat vegetables; Americans
eat meat." "Koreans eat rice; Americans eat
bread." During those first weeks, it was difficult to
refrain from arguing. Didn’t Koreans eat meat?
What were all those bakeries doing in Korea if no
one ate bread? And who, finally, eats faster than
Americans? We inv ented McDonald’s!
I know enough now not to challenge those
suspect generalizations. In them, as in so many
other discoursive locutions contrasting "self" and
"other," "Korea" and "America" are less actual
places than figural, rhetorical strategies for
reflecting on Korea’s contradictory modernities and
tumultuous modernization. In a country where
food is a national symbol (i.e., the infinitely varied,
pickled vegetable, "kimchi"), incongruous
discourse on foodways is a way to think about the
whiplash changes wrought by capitalism’s creative
destruction: the mass migration to the city, the rise
of a comparatively wealthy, consumer class, and,
more recently, the unwelcome intrusion of
international (read American) imports and capital
under the aegis of IMF restructuring. Is "tradition"
being squandered for a fitful, problematic
"modernity"? Is Korea becoming "Westernized,"
or, worse yet, a vassal to foreign powers who
would denude it of culture, language and history?
In Korea we can telescope all of this
contentious debate on modernization into an
argument over the merits of McDonald’s. The sine
qua non symbol of aggressive, American
capitalism, McDonald’s is the subject of endless
peroration in newspapers, on television, and in the
day-to-day conversations of Korean people. More
than simply a question of market share, the effects
of McDonald’s and other fast food on Korea is a
question of identity, the authenticity of the Korean
self, culture and social life amidst the anomie of
global "McDonaldization." Yet, whatever their
fears of Western imperialism, Korean people flock
to McDonald’s, stuffing their faces with Big Macs
and slurping down shakes, each consumer in
happy, geosynchronous concert with their
counterparts in Russia, India, France and Canada.
Confronted by the near-ubiquity of
McDonald’s, a particularly viral example of what
Sidney Mintz calls "a special number of foods,
representative of a single, modern society," the
contributors to Golden Arches East enjoin the fast
food debate in Korea, Japan, Taipei, Beijing and
Hong Kong, not to castigate "McDonaldization" or
ev en to celebrate the promulgation of
postmodernism a la Baudrillard, but to "produce
ethnographic accounts of McDonald’s social,
political and economic impact on five local
cultures" (p. 6). In a refrain now familiar to
students of cultural studies, these anthropologists
conclude, as James Watson writes in his
introduction, that "consumers are not the
automatons many analysts would have us believe"
(p. 36) and that McDonald’s is important enough to
anthropology to be studied as part of the warp and
weft of everyday life.
Throwing off the hypostatized opposition of
"East" and "West," "authentic" and "mass
produced," they follow the cultural studies made
popular by the Richard Hoggart’s Centre for
Contemporary Cultural Studies at the University of
Birmingham and its occasionally problematic
progeny in the United States and treat the "trifling"
consumption of mass culture with a rigor and
gravity heretofore reserved for "canons" of
literature, art and "high" culture.
Arising from a panel at the 1994 American
Anthropological Association Meeting in Athens,
Georgia, the book’s five "local culture" studies
display a similar scansion: 1) tracing the history of
McDonald’s in each country; 2) evoking the
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complexity of consumer behavior towards the
franchise; and 3) suggesting ways in which
McDonald’s forms part of an inclusive discourse
within what Watson terms "local culture." As
Sidney Mintz sums up in a thoughtful afterward,
"its patrons are ’buying’ much more than food" (p.
195).
McDonald’s now has a firm hold on Asian
markets, from its first restaurant in Japan in 1971
to its first restaurant in Beijing in 1992. Anti-U.S.
imperialism notwithstanding, McDonald’s is
devastatingly popular and, together with other fast
food franchises that make up what has been called
the "first industrialization of eating," has changed
the foodways of a nation. This involves much
more than the industrialization of food--the
hamburger Taylorism for which McDonald’s is
famous--but also the industrialization of the
consumer. As James Watson explains in his
chapter on McDonald’s in Hong Kong:
For the system to work, consumers must be
educated --or "disciplined"--so that they
voluntarily fulfill their side of an implicit
bargain: We (the corporation) will provide
cheap, fast service, if you (the customer) carry
your own tray, seat yourself, and help clean up
afterward. (p. 92)
"Queuing" and "self-service," for example,
are neither a natural nor inevitable response to
crowds and congestion, yet McDonald’s had to
discipline its customers into orderly lines. This has
meant adapting the rigor of McDonald’s factory-
dining to the exigencies of local culture. In Hong
Kong, the "queue" and "self-bussing" separate the
cosmopolitan from the country yokel. In Japan,
customers’ long relationship with McDonald’s has
introduced a host of eating practices heretofore
antithetical to polite society. While an older
generation of Japanese has long equated "eating
while standing" with the behavior of animals, the
practice has been institutionalized in restaurants
too small to accommodate seated diners. In
Beijing, customers bus their own tables to signify
their middle-class respectability (and middle-class
aspirations): "Interestingly enough, several
informants told me that when they threw out their
own rubbish, they felt they were more "civilized"
("wenming") than other customers because thy
knew the proper behavior" (p. 53).
McDonald’s has also introduced a new
concern for public hygiene in restaurant kitchens
and bathrooms, an innovation that has transformed
consumer expectations in all of the countries
studied. In Beijing, the newly emergent,
professional middle-class worries over foods
served from street stalls by recent migrants. These
middle-class consumers look to McDonald’s for its
beneficent "health food." As Youngxiang Yan
finds, "The idea that McDonald’s provides healthy
food based on nutritional ingredients and scientific
cooking methods has been widely accepted by both
the Chinese media and the general public" (p. 45).
In Hong Kong, McDonald’s has changed
perceptions of "clean" and "dirty": bathrooms
once considered acceptable are now suspect and
customers have become, in general, more careful
about the restaurants they patronize. "For many
Hong Kong residents, therefore, McDonald’s is
more than just a restaurant; it is an oasis, a familiar
rest station, in what is perceived to be an
inhospitable urban environment" (p. 90). And in
Taipei, McDonald’s hamburgers are considered a
fitting--even nutritious--school lunch. As one
school principal told David Y.H. Yu, "They learn
hygiene behavior and proper etiquette by eating
hamburgers. What is bad about fast food?" (p.
133).
But while McDonald’s insistence on clean
kitchens and bathrooms makes it a symbol of
purity, to others the restaurant can represent, a la
Mary Douglas, danger. In Korea, where
McDonald’s has been relatively slow to spread, the
restaurant is seen as an economic and cultural
affront to Korean autonomy. As in Japan, the
foreign, unhealthy hamburger stands in contrast to
healthful, locally grown rice. As Sangmee Bak
reports:
In 1992, when trade negotiations were under
way, the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry, and
Fishing and NACF jointly produced a poster to
promote the consumption of local agricultural
produce. The slogan read "Healthy eating =
Eating our Rice," and the poster depicted a large
grain of rice trampling a greasy hamburger. (p.
137)
This all suggests that McDonald’s, despite
legendary standardization insuring that your Big
Mac will taste exactly the same in Moscow, Tokyo
and New York, does not have complete control
over its meaning to its varied consumers. In the
"local cultures" analyzed in Golden Arches East,
hamburgers do not constitute a meal; at most, they
can be a sort of hyperbolically caloric snack. In
one interview with a college student, Emiko
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Ohnuki-Tierney finds that, "Any food with bread is
not considered "filling," and so for lunch he and his
university friends look for donburi teishoku --a
large bowl of rice topped with various ingredients"
(p. 164). And in Beijing, "at best a hamburger is
the equivalent of xianbing, a type of Chinese
pancake with meat inside, which no one would
treat as a daily meal" (p. 47).
Additionally, consumers in Korea, Japan,
China and Taiwan have a distinctly different idea
of "fast food." While "fast food" may mean fast
service, it need not, as the contributors to Golden
Arches East show, mean fast consumption. While
the "table time" at U.S. fast food restaurants
av erages 11 minutes, customers in East Asia tend
to dawdle, with groups of women averaging 33
minutes in Korea and Hong Kong customers (men
and women) averages 20-25 minutes. On the
margins of those averages lie students, elderly
people and courting couples, all of whom might
spend hours over a cup of tea, transforming
McDonald’s in an inexpensive version of a more
traditional tea shop. In Korea, where coffee is 800
Won at McDonald’s but between 2000-3000 Won
at a coffee shop, this practice seems to have only
intensified in the "IMF era." As more of a center
of social life than a stopover, McDonald’s is a
place to hold children’s birthdays (Beijing, Hong
Kong, Korea), do homework (Taipei), or even
conduct study groups (Korea). One woman in
David Y.H. Yu’s study spent every day at
McDonald’s, from 7:00 am to 3:30 pm, in order to
meet her grandson.
These examples and others serve to
sufficiently differentiate the East Asian
McDonald’s experience from its occidental
counterparts and throw the "McDonaldization"
thesis into serious question. In a by-now familiar
cultural studies coda, consumers are shown to exert
a sort of plucky, subterranean control over
otherwise monolithic corporations. Faced with a
uniformity of production, consumers are
nevertheless free to creatively appropriate
apparently homogeneous product into the
Geertzean webs of local culture and localized
experience. To borrow a metaphor from Re-Made
in Japan, a collections of essays on Japanese
consumption edited by Jeffrey Tobin, the West is
less borrowed than "domesticated" into East Asia
(Tobin 1992). That is, for "the foreign" to have
meaning in Japan, Korea, China or Taiwan, it must
first be incorporated into a context of cultural
practice, nationalism and identity uniquely Korean,
Japanese, Chinese or Taiwanese. In other words,
the contributors to Golden Arches East argue that
the global becomes local : "Who is to say that
Mickey Mouse is not Japanese, or that Ronald
McDonald is not Chinese?" (p. 10).
But is this really the most useful way to
think about McDonald’s? In the 1980s, there was a
tendency to conflate such acts of quotidian
appropriation with bonafide "resistance," or, even
more egregiously, "counterhegemony." But these
variegated fanfares for the common consumer
missed one of the more insidious features of
modern marketing: consumers are encouraged to
"appropriate" product into their lives. Advertisers
are well versed in a version of cultural studies
concerned with "heterologies" of "dominant"
discourse. The notion that consumers exert some
control over their purchases and "create emergent,
personalized consumption meanings" is, of course,
of great interest to a multinational world of
corporations marketing product to in different
countries to different demographics (Cf. Thompson
and Haytko 1997). From this perspective, the
"McDonaldization" thesis is a bit of a straw man.
Do corporations imbricated in global capitalism
want the "McDonaldization" of the world or just
more profits? I would submit that corporations are
more than happy in a postmodern world of
proliferating alterity: it’s an advertiser’s dream,
endlessly fecund, endlessly generative of new
equations of culture, identity and consumption :
"James Cantalupo, President of McDonald’s
International, claims that the goal of McDonald’s
is to ’become as much a part of the local culture as
possible.’ He objects when ’[p]eople call us a
multinational. I like to call us a multilocal,
meaning that McDonald’s goes to great lengths to
find local suppliers and local partners whenever
new branches are opened" (p. 12). I would suggest
that multinationals, far from advocating
homogeneous "global cultures," are comfortable
with a notion of culture similar to James Watson’s
"local culture." In business schools across the
nation, MBA students are cracking open books on
"international marketing" that advocate the
sensitive understanding of cultural difference, not
for altruistic, anthropological understanding, but
for increased profits.
The question, then, dogging this collection
of essays is not, in my mind, whether or not to take
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McDonald’s seriously as an object of inquiry, but
the usefulness of Watson et al in delineating
consumer behavior already well developed in
countless marketing and consumer behavior
journals, e.g., Journal of Consumer Research,
Journal of Marketing and so on. What special
insights can anthropology bring to the study of
consumer behavior, when marketing departments
routinely use qualitative research methodologies
(focus groups, interviews, participant observation)
to "customize" their strategies to the interstices of
local culture and niche marketing? That is, much
of Golden Arches East seems to trail in the path of
research McDonald’s has already done; the job of
the anthropologist in this collection seems less to
generate new understandings of culture and social
life than to graciously concede that McDonald’s
has done its cultural homework.
In other words, to build on their initial
success, McDonald’s restaurants must localize
their foods (and some of their cultural
associations as well), converting them into
something that is routine and ordinary for Beijing
residents, while somehow maintain their image as
the symbol of the American way of life. That
is why McDonald’s has gone to such
extraordinary lengths to fit into the local
cultural setting. (p. 73)
The wily corporate head is like an
anthropologist ; does that mean we should become
more like corporate executives? Why theorize
McDonald’s when we can just ask the experts?
Without charging that Watson et al are in
league with McDonald’s (as some participants at
the 1994 American Anthropological Association
Meeting did), we can still question the efficacy of
an anthropology that resembles the evaluative stage
of longitudinal, marketing research. Is the task of
a "post-fordist" anthropology merely to confirm the
"cultural fit" of product and consumer? If
McDonald’s is important in our understanding of
people and culture, then how should it be studied?
Part of the problem here lies in Watson’s decision
to concentrate on "consumption."
Previous studies of fast food have focused on
production, emphasizing either management or
labor [ . . .] But we are primarily concerned
with another dimension of that fast food system,
namely consumption. What do consumers
have to say about McDonald’s? (p. ix)
While it’s unclear why Watson thinks his
research novel at a time when the anthropological
study of commodities (and consumption) has
blossomed into a subfield in its own right (Cf.
Miller 1994; Appadurai 1986), I have to wonder
about the utility of the parsimonious reduction of
culture to instances of production or consumption.
If the contributors to Golden Arches East are
correct and "patrons are buying much more than
food," than perhaps analysis privileging the
consumption of commodities is self-limiting.
While the "postmodern" has given us increasingly
lively commodities (and less lively selves), to
undertake a study of consumption is to be part,
rather than an analyst, of capitalism’s culture.
While I want to avoid the inevitably circular
ontologies of what might constitute "inside" or
"outside," we might nevertheless take Stuart Hall’s
comments to heart:
The "culture" is those patterns of
organization, those characteristic forms of
human energy which can be discovered as
revealing themselves--in "unexpected identities
and correspondences" as well as in
"discontinuities of an unexpected kind" (p.
63)--within or underlying *all* social practices.
(Hall 1994: 523)
We should see this as less a shallow
valuation of novelty (the "surprise" of the
unexpected correspondence, a la Joseph Campbell)
than a warning against following well-worn paths
of disciplinarity. By considering the question of
McDonald’s relative success in selling its product
to new generations of East Asian consumers,
Golden Arches East is limited at the outset to what
might be called highly descriptive consumer
research. This would explain, perhaps, the book’s
enthusiastic reception in The New York Times and
The Economist.
Perhaps taking the wider approach would
force Watson et al to consider possibly unpleasant
realities contrary to their initial goals, i.e., to
describe the "impact" of McDonald’s without
judging it "a paragon of capitalist virtue" or an
"evil empire" (p. 6). "Neutrally" evaluating
McDonald’s evidently requires them to dismiss a
political economic approach grounded in an
understanding of global capital and to embrace a
localized appreciation for identity and
consumption. "Economic and social realities make
it necessary to construct an entirely new approach
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to global issues, one that takes consumers’ own
views into account" (p. 79). But why are these
mutually exclusive? Is it possible to both critique
McDonald’s and understand its importance in the
lives of people in East Asia? Why not? Without
repeating the fusillade of carefully argued critiques
available on the McSpotlight website
(http://www.mcspotlight.org), it is fair to say that
McDonald’s impacts environments, economies and
health in deleterious ways that deserve to be taken
seriously by anthropologists. Where in these
essays is there mention of the alarming increase in
childhood obesity in Hong Kong, Korea and
Japan? In Korea, at least, this is a puissant topic in
newspapers, magazines and television. And what
about the low pay of McDonald’s employees and
the ways it reinforces or even exacerbates gender
inequalities in labor? To dismiss these as
extraneous to a "consumer study" is to privilege an
analytical (and highly ideological) artefact. To
study them would require contributors to wander
far afield from McDonald’s narrowly considered,
to culture change centered around fast food, e.g.,
increased mobility and the challenges modernity
and modernization pose to culture and identity.
Yet, there are tantalizing glimpses of other
possibilities. Emiko Ohnuki-Tierney, for example,
seems quite aware of the pitfalls of Watson’s
approach: "I think we must shift our attention
from the obsession with consumer behavior and
focus instead on how new commodities become
embedded in culture" (p. 161). In her study,
McDonald’s is an example of "Japanese
Americana," a concatenation of cultural alterity
drawn on by Japanese people as an alternative to
"tradition." Sang
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