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YEN-HUI AUDREY LI(李艳惠) 2002 Briefly summing up, we claim that a relative clause (and, more generally, a modifier) can be adjoined to a property-denoting N(P) or to an individual-denoting D(P), gener

ting different interpretations according to the position…

1WordOrder,StructureandRelativization*YEN-HUIAUDREYLIUniversityofSouthernCalifornia1.IntroductionNounsinlanguageslikeEnglishappeartodiffergreatlyfromthoseinlanguageslikeChinese1.ProminentdifferencesbetweenthemincludethefactthatnounsinEnglishgenerallydonotoccurinthe"bare"formbutnounsinChinesecan.2Moreover,abarenouninChinesecanbeinterpretedasdefinite,indefiniteorgeneric;thesedifferentinterpretationsofanEnglishnominalphraserelyontheoccurrenceofthedefinitearticlethe,indefinitearticleaorsomeotherdevice.Takeadefiniteexpressionforinstance.Chineseishappywithabarenoun[N],suchasshu'book';whereasEnglishrequiresthedefinitearticle[theN]thebook(s).3Averyinterestingquestionarisesfromsuchadifferenceisthestructureofnominalphrasesintheselanguages.AnarticleinEnglish,forinstance,playsakeyroleinthestructuralrepresentation:anominalphraseisrepresentedasaDeterminerPhrase(DP),headedbyaDeterminer(D)(seeAbney1987).ThedefinitearticlethecanbeintheDposition(seeLongobardi1994,Chierchia1998,amongothers).Inotherwords,thebookcanhavethestructurein(1),headedbythe:4(1)DP/\DNP/\thebookWhat,then,isthestructureofadefiniteexpressionsuchasshuinChinese?Isitlike(1)withanullDhead(whereNmightmoveto)?Or,doesithaveasimplerstructure,suchas(2)?*ManythankstoTomErnst,JimHuang,YafeiLi,BingfuLu,Sze-WingTangandZoeWufortheirhelpwiththiswork.1ChineseinthisworkreferstoMandarinChinese.2MassnounsinEnglishcanoccurinthebareform.3Demonstratives,possessivesetc.whichalsomakeanominalphrasedefinitecanbeanalyzedinthesameway,whichwedisregardhere.4Inthiswork,wedonotconcernourselveswiththefunctionalprojectionsbetweenDandN;seeCarstens(1991),Ritter(1991,1995),Valois(1991),forinstance,fordiscussionsonsomeofsuchprojections.SeeTang(1990),Li(1998,1999),ChengandSybesma(toappear)amongothersforthefunctionalprojectionswithinnominalphrasesinChinese.2(2)NP|shuTherearetheoreticalandempiricalconcernsinansweringthesequestions.Theoretically,ifshuisinterpretedinthesamewayasthebook,shouldtheyhavethesamestructure?Boththepositiveandnegativeanswerstothisquestionhavebeenexplored.Ontheonehand,theassumptionisthatanNisanNandaDisaDsemantically;thatis,anNisaproperty-denotingexpression(predicate-type)andaDisanindividual-denotingexpression(argument-type).Theyremainconstant.AbarenouninlanguageslikeChinesethereforeneedstohaveamorecomplexstructurethanasimpleN(P)whenitisanargument(seeLi1997,1998,1999).Inotherwords,adefinitebarenounshuinanargumentpositionshouldbeprojectedasaDPinsteadofaNP.Ontheotherhand,theassumptionisthattype-shiftingcantakeplaceinsomelanguages(seeChierchia1998).Abarenouninterpretedasdefiniteinanargumentposition,forinstance,hasundergonetype-shiftingandtakesontheargumentrole,ratherthanthepredicaterole.Sincetype-shiftinghastakenplace,(2)canbearepresentationforanominalexpressioninanargumentpositioninChinese.Theoretically,then,thechoicebetween(1)and(2)reliesontheadoptionorrejectionoftype-shiftingasanoptioninsuchcases.Theempiricalquestionisthereforemoreinteresting.IsthereempiricalevidencehelpingustodetermineifaDPstructureisneededinlanguageslikeChinese?DoestheavailabilityofaDPprojection,inadditiontoanNP,provideopportunitiestoderivemoreempiricalgeneralizationsthanananalysisthatdoeswithoutaDPprojection?Li(1997,1998,1999)arguesfavorablyforapositiveanswer,basedonthefactsconcerningthewordorderandconstituentstructureswithinnominalexpressions,thedistributionofnominalphraseswithinasentence,andthedistributionofthepluralmarkermeninMandarinChinese.Indeed,manyinterestingfactsarederivedbythepresenceofDandanN-to-Dmovementprocess.Ontheotherhand,FukuiandTakano(1999),basedonatheoryofuniversalphrasestructureproposedbyTakano(1996)andFukuiandTakano(1998)andaprohibitionagainstright-adjunctionstructures(Kayne1994),arguethatthewordorderbetweenarelativeclauseandtheheaditmodifies(therelativehead)indifferenttypesoflanguagescanbederivedfromacontrastinnominalstructures.TheyarguethatthereareJapanesetypeandEnglishtypelanguages.IntheEnglishtype,aDPisprojectedandN-to-Draisingmusttakeplace.Sucharaisingprocesswouldplacearelativeclause,whichisbase-generatedasleft-adjunctiontoN,aftertherelativeheadN.5Bycontrast,thetypeoflanguageslikeJapanese,whichusesbarenounsasdefinite,indefiniteandgenericexpressions,doesnothaveaDprojection.BecauseofthelackofaDprojection,aN-to-Draisingprocesscannottakeplace.Arelativeclausethereforemaintainstobeleft-adjoinedtoNand,accordingly,surfacesontheleftoftheheadN.Suchaparametricdifferencebetweenthesetwotypesoflanguages,accordingtoFukuiandTakano,isnotonlymanifestedinthecontrastinorderingbetweenarelativeclauseanditsheadbutalsoreflectedinhowrelativeclausesareformedandlicensedinthesetwodifferenttypesoflanguages.IfFukuiandTakanoarecorrect,theiranalysiswouldprovidestrongempiricalsupportfortheabsenceofaDPprojectionandN-to-DraisinginlanguageslikeJapanese.ItwouldalsoposeinterestingchallengestoLi'sclaimthatChinesedoesprojectaDPandthatN-to-Dmovementdoestakeplaceinthislanguage.Afterall,ChineseandJapanesehaveidenticalwordorderwithrespecttoarelativeclauseandtherelativehead.Moreover,ChineseappearstohavesimilarpropertiesconcerningrelativizationasJapanese,inadditiontothefactthatbothlanguagesallowabarenouninanargumentposition.5Kayne(1994),followingVergnaud(1974),arguesthatEnglishrelativizationisapromotionprocesswhichraisestherelativizednominaltotheDposition,therelativeclausebeingacomplementofD.3Inbrief,ChineseseemstobelongtotheJapanesetypeoflanguages,ratherthantheEnglishtype,atleastwithrespecttotheorderingofarelativeclauseanditsheadandtheform/interpretationofbarenouns.ThisraisesthequestionofwhetherthereexistsempiricalevidenceagainsttheprojectionofaDPandthepresenceofN-to-DraisinginChinese,contrarytowhatLihasclaimed.Inthiswork,IwillshowthatthevariousempiricalgeneralizationsclaimedtobederivablefromtheparametricdifferencesinthestructureofnominalsbetweentheJapaneseandEnglishtypesoflanguagesdiscussedinFukuiandTakanocannotbecorrectconsideringtheChineserelativizationstructures.TheconclusionhastobedrawnthatFukuiandTakano'sallegedcorrelationbetweenN-to-Draisingandtheorderingbetweenarelativeclauseanditsheadcannotbeupheld.NoneofthepropertiesofrelativizationthatareclaimedtoberelatedtowordorderandN-to-DraisingaretrueinChinese.Thereis,thus,noevidenceagainsttheexistenceofaDPprojectionandN-to-DraisinginChinese.2.WordorderandthestructureofrelativeclausesAmajorclaimofFukuiandTakano'sworkisthattheorderingbetweenarelativeclauseandtheheadmodifiedbytherelativeclauseistheresultofdifferentstructureandderivation.AdoptingKayne'sproposalthatonlyleft-adjunctionisallowedinthegrammar,FukuiandTakanoclaimthatwhenNisraisedtoD,arelativeclause,beingleft-adjoinedtoN,wouldsurfaceinapositionfollowingtherelativehead.ThisisillustratedbytheEnglishexamplein(3)andthestructurein(4):(3)apicturewhichJohnsawyesterday.6(4)DP/\aD'/\pictureD'/\ND/\CPN=tpicture/\whichOntheotherhand,ifNdoesnotundergoraising,arelativeclausestaysleft-adjoinedtoN.Itsurfacesatapositionprecedingtheheadnoun,accordingtothespell-outruleproposedbyFukuiandTakano(1998).ThisisillustratedbytheJapaneseexamplein(5),withthestructurein(6):(5)a.John-gakinoomitasyasinJohn-Nomyesterdaysawpicture'the/apicturethatJohnsawyesterday'b.John-gakinooattagakuseiJohn-Nomyesterdaymetstudent'the/astudentwho(m)Johnmetyesterday'6FukuiandTakano(1998)assumewithTakano1996thatacomplementisgeneratedontheleftofahead.4(6)N1/\CPN1=syasinThegeneralizationthusemerges:thewordorder[relativeclause+relativehead]indicatesNisnotraisedtoDandthereverseorder[relativehead+relativeclause]indicatesNisraisedtoD.TheformerisillustratedbyJapaneseandthelatterbyEnglish.FukuiandTakanofurthernotethatthereisavarietyofdifferencesbetweentheEnglishtypeandtheJapanesetypelanguageswhichcan"falloutinasimpleandelegantfashion,basedsolelyonthesingleparametricdifferencebetweenthelanguages:EnglishexhibitsN-to-Draising,whileJapanesedoesnot(simplybecausethelatterlanguagelacksthecategoryD)."(abstract)7Thedifferencesdiscussedarebrieflysketchedinthefollowingsubsections.2.1.RelativepronounAccordingtotheauthors,thepresenceorabsenceofarelativepronoun(suchaswhichin(3))canbederivedfromthestructuralcontrastbetween(4)and(6).Assumingthatarelativepronounmustbeboundbytherelativehead,theyclaimthatarelativepronouninastructurelike(4)inEnglishislegitimate.Inthisstructure,therelativehead(theraisedN)c-commandstherelativepronounwhich.TherelativepronounwhichisproperlyboundandthereforeEnglishallowsarelativepronouninarelativeclause.Bycontrast,therelativeheadN1(eitherthelowerN1orthetwosegmentedcategory[N1,N1])in(6)doesnotc-commandCPbecauseN1hastwosegments,ifthedefinitionofc-commandinChomsky(1986)andKayne(1994)isadoptedwhichincorporatesthenotionofsegmentsandexclusion.8Whentherelativeheaddoesnotc-commandtherelativeclauseCP,itdoesnotc-commandarelativepronounintheCP.For(6)tobewell-formed,therelativeclausecannotcontainarelativepronoun;otherwiseitwouldnotbec-commandedandproperlyboundbytherelativehead.Consequently,Japanesedoesnothavearelativepronouninitsrelativeclause.Thecontrastbetweenthestructuresin(4)and(6)capturesthecontrastbetweentheexistenceofarelativepronouninEnglishandthelackofoneinJapanese.2.2.OperatormovementThelackofarelativepronoun,accordingtoFukuiandTakano,indicatesthataJapaneserelativeclauseisnot"operator-oriented."Itisnotlicensedasmodifieroftherelativeheadthroughthemediationofarelativepronounfunctioningasanoperatorcreatinganopenpositionwithintherelativeclause.Instead,itislicensedbyan"aboutness"relationbetweentherelativeclauseandtherelativehead.Theyclaimthatsuchanaboutnessconditionisnotpeculiartothelicensingofthe7FukuiandTakano'sproposalrequiresN-to-DmovementtoapplyinallcasesinEnglish.Thiscontrastswith,forinstance,theanalysisofChierchia(1998)orLongobardi(1994)whichdoesnotraiseNtoDwhenthedefinitearticletheoccurs.Insuchananalysis,theoccupiestheDpositionandNstaysintheNposition,Nbeingaproperty-denoting,predicatetypeofexpressions.FukuiandTakanoplacetheintheSpecofDpositionandrequiresNtomovetoD.8ThedefinitionadoptedinFukuiandTakanoisthis:(i)Xc-commandsYiffXexcludesYandeveryelementthatdominatesXdominatesY.(ii)XexcludesYiffnosegmentofXdominatesY.Thetwosegmentedcategory[N1,N1]istherelativehead.BecauseitdoesnotexcludeCPwiththeupperN1,asegmentof[N1,N1],dominatingCP.EvenifthelowerN1istherelativehead,itdoesnotc-commandCPeither,giventhattheupperN1,whichisasegmentofthecategory[N1,N1],dominatesCP,therebyfailingtosatisfytheexclusionconditionin(ii).5Japaneserelativeclause.ItcanalsobeseeninthelicensingofcertaintopicconstructionsinJapaneseandEnglish:(7)sakana-watai-gaiifish-Topred-snapper-Nomgood'Asforfish,ared-snapperisthebest.'(8)Asforsports,Ilikebaseballbest.AttributingtoKuno(1973)andMurasugi(1991),theyarguethatthisaboutnessconditionisalsotrueofJapaneserelativeclauses.Thus,inthefollowingexample,therelativeclausecanbeinterpretedasbeingaboutapicture.(9)John-gakinoomitasyasinJohn-Nomyesterdaysawpicture'the/apictureJohnsawyesterday'Beinginanaboutnessrelationwiththerelativehead,therelativeclauseisproperlylicensed.Furthermore,becausethereisnooperatormovementinJapaneserelativizationandanaboutnessconditionissufficienttolicensearelativeclause,itfollowsthatgaplessrelativeclausesarepossibleinthislanguage,suchas(10a)andrelativizationisnotsubjecttotheislandconditions.(10)a.[syuusyoku-gataihenna]buturigakuemployment-Nomdifficultisphysics'physics(that)findingajobisdifficult'b.[prokiteiruyoohuku-gayogoreteiru]sinsiis.wearingsuit-Nomis.dirtygentleman'the/agentlemanwhothesuitthatiswearingisdirty'2.3.RelativecomplementizerAnothercontrastthatFukuiandTakanoclaimtofollowfromthesaidstructuralandmovementdifferencesisthatarelativeclauseinJapanese,unlikeanEnglishone,hasaTPstructure,ratherthanaCPstructure.JapaneserelativeclausesdonotneedCP:becauseofthelackofN-to-Draising,Japaneserelativeclausescannotbeoperator-oriented.ThefactthatanoperatorisnotneededmakestheSpecofCPunnecessary.FollowingDiesing(1990)'ssuggestionthatafunctionalcategoryispresentinthestructureonlywhenitisnecessary,FukuiandTakanoclaimthatCPisnotnecessaryinaJapaneserelativeclauseandisnotprojected.ThelackofaCPprojectionmeansthelackofaCwhichhostsacomplementizer.ThiscapturesthefactthatJapanesedoesnothavethecounterpartofthecomplementizerthatintheEnglishrelativeclauseapicturethatJohnsawyesterday.99Theargumentisnoteasytofollowhere.EventhoughanoperatorintheSpecofCPisnotneeded,itdoesnotmeanthattheheadisnotneededandthereforeitdoesnotmeanthatCPisnotneeded.ConsidertheEnglishexample(i):(i)Thatheishereisimportant.Inthissentence,thereisnorequirementofthepresenceofanoperatorinSpecofCP.However,thecomplementizerthatmustbepresent.ThefactthataSpecofCPisnotneededdoesnotmeanthattheheadCisalsonotneeded.62.4.InternallyheadedrelativeclauseFinally,FukuiandTakanonotethatonlylanguagesoftheJapanesetypeallowinternallyheadedrelativeclause.FollowingCole(1987)'sclaimthataninternallyheadedrelativeclausehasaheadthatisanullpronominalcorreferentialwiththeinternalhead,theynotethattheEnglishstructure(4)violatesBindingPrincipleCbecausetheheadproc-commandstheinternalhead.Bycontrast,aprointherelativeheadpositiondoesnotc-commandtheinternalheadin(6).Consequently,onlyJapaneseallowsinternallyheadedrelativeclauses.Brieflysummingup,thecontrastbetweentheEnglishstructure(4)andtheJapanesestructure(6),asmanifestedinthedifferentorderingbetweenarelativeclauseandarelativehead,derivesthedifferentpropertiesoftheEnglishandJapaneserelativeclauseswithrespecttothepossibilityofarelativepronoun,operatormovement,acomplementizerandaninternallyheadedrelativeclause.Thelackofanoperatormovementisrelatedtotheavailabilityofanabountessconditionlicensingarelativeclausewhichdoesnotobeyislandconditions.Thelackofoperatormovementandtheavailabilityoflicensingbyanaboutnessconditionalsomakeagaplessrelativeclausepossible.WhentherelevantChinesefactsareconsidered,however,thecorrelatedpropertiesjustmentioneddonotfalloutaspredicted.ThewordorderfactssuggestthatChineseshouldbelikeJapanese.Ontheotherhand,mostoftheotherrelatedpropertiessuggestthatChineseshouldbemorelikeEnglish.Themixtureoftheclusteringofpropertiesraisesdoubtonthecorrectnessofthetypologicalclaimswehavejustseen.3.Correlatedproperties?AfirstlookattheChineserelativeclausesmaysuggestthattheyarejustlikeJapaneserelativeclauses.LikeJapanesethatonlyallowsarelativeclausetoprecedetherelativehead,Chinesealsorequiresarelativeclausetoprecedetherelativehead.Inotherwords,ChineseshouldbelongtotheJapanesetypeoflanguagesandhavethestructurein(6).IfChinesehasthestructurein(6),shouldwe,then,expectChineserelativeclausestohavethepropertiesin2.2.-2.5?Unfortunately,ifweexaminethefactsconcerningChineserelativeclausesmorecarefully,wefindthatalmostallthepredictionsarenottrue.3.1.RelativizationprocessesBeforeshowinghowthepredictionsin2.1.-2.4.arenotbornoutwithrespecttotheChineserelativeclauses,webeginwiththediscussiononhowrelativeclausesareformedinChinese.3.1.1.MovementThereisevidencethatrelativizationinChineseneedtobederivedfrommovementoftherelativeheaddirectly(seeVergnaud,1974,Kayne1994).Forinstance,partofanidiomaticexpressioncanbecomearelativehead:(11)a.[[takaitide]daoi]douhenchenggong(kai-dao'openknifeheopenDeknifeallverysuccessful=operate')'Alltheoperationsheperformedweresuccessful.'b.[[tachitide]cui]bibierenduo.(chi-cu'eatvinegarheeatDevinegarcompareothersmore=bejealous)'Heismorejealousthantheothers.'c.[[tayoutide]moi]meirenting-de-dong.(you-mo'(transliterationof)humor')hehu-Demornobodylisten-able-understand'Nobodycanunderstandhishumor.'7Longdistancemovementispossibleandthemovementissensitivetoislandconditions:(12)a.[[tarenwei[woyinggaikaiti]de]daoi]douhennan.hethinkIshouldopenDeknifeallverydifficult'TheoperationsthathethinksIshouldperformarealldifficult.'a'.*[[takaie]henzhongyaode]dao]---subjectislandheopenveryimportantDeknife'theoperationthatitisimportantthatheperforms.'b.[[tarenwei[wokeyichiti]de]cui]haibuzhizhexie.

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