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International Relations
DOI: 10.1177/004711786000200104
1960; 2; 35 International Relations
Martin Wight
Why is there no International Theory?
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35
WHY IS THERE NO INTERNATIONAL
THEORY?
BY MARTIN WIGHT
&dquo;Political theory&dquo; is a phrase that in general requires no
explanation. It is used here to denote speculation about the State,
which is its traditional meaning from Plato onwards. On the other
hand, the phrase &dquo; international theory &dquo; does require explanation.
On first hearing, it is likely to be taken as meaning either the
methodology of the study of international relations, or some con-
ceptual system which offers a unified explanation of international
phenomena-&dquo; the theory of international relations &dquo;. In this
paper neither of these is intended. By &dquo; international theory &dquo; is
meant a tradition of speculation about relations between States, a
tradition imagined as the twin of speculation about the State to
which the name &dquo; political theory &dquo; is appropriated. And inter-
national theory in this sense does not, at first sight, exist.
Some qualification, of course, is needed. There are many
theoretical writings about international relations; some of them
bear names as eminent as Machiavelli or Kant; and in the twentieth
century they have become a flood. Yet it is difficult to say that
any of them has the status of a political classic. This is a problem
that besets the teacher of International Relations if he conceives of
International Relations as a twin subject, distinct from but parallel
with, the subject commonly known as Political Science or Govern-
ment. Political Science has its tensions and internecine conflicts,
to be sure, but it is in some sense held together by Political
Theory, or as it is sometimes called the History of Political Ideas.
The student of Government, however else he may be misled, is
given an introduction tao the tradition of speculation and the body
of writings about the State from Plato to Laski. But the student
of International Relations cannot, it seems, similarly be directed
to classics on his branch of politics of the stature of Aristotle or
Hobbes or Locke or Rousseau. Is it because they do not exist?
The question may be put in a different way. The teacher of
International Relations is often given the impression that his subject
sprang fully-armed from the head of David Davies or of Sir Mon-
tague Burton. But if he seeks to trace it further back, behind the
memorable Endowment whereby Andrew Carnegie left ten million
dollars for &dquo; the speedy abolition of war between the so-called
civilized nations &dquo;, to be applied when this end was achieved to
other social and educational purposes, he finds himself involved in
obscurity. In the nineteenth century and earlier, there is no suc-
cession of first-rank books about the State-system and diplomacy
like the succession of political classics from Bodin to Bosanquet.
What international theory, then, was there before 1914? And if
there was any, is it worth rediscovering?
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36
One answer to the question is plain. If political theory is the
tradition of speculation about the State, then international theory
may be supposed to be a tradition of speculation about the society
of States, or the family of nations, or the international community.
And speculation of this kind was formerly comprehended under
International Law. The public law of Europe in the eighteenth
century has been described as &dquo; an amalgam of formulx, juris-
prudence, political speculation and recorded practice &dquo;1. The
speculative breadth of international lawyers has done something to
create their reputation as futile metaphysicians, even after the
influence of positivism disciplined them to neglect metalegal
questions. When Tocqueville gave his presidential address to the
Acad6mic des Sciences Morales et Politiques in 1852, he distin-
guished on the one side the study of the rights of society and of the
individual, what laws are appropriate to particular societies, what
forms of government to particular circumstances, citing as.
examples the names of Plato, Aristotle, Machiavelli, Montesquieu,
Rousseau; and on the other side those who
Undertake the same task with regard to the society of nations
in which each people is a citizen-a society always rather
barbarous, even in the most civilised periods, and whatever is
done to appease and regulate the relations of those who
compose it.2 2
And here he gave as illustrations the names of Grotius and Pufen-
dorf. It might be worth adding that international law gained
academic recognition in Britain well before political theory. The
Chichele Chair of International Law and Diplomacy at Oxford
and the Whewell Chair of International Law at Cambridge were
founded in 1859 and 1866 respectively, and the Gladstone Chair
of Political Theory and Institutions and the Cambridge Chair
of Political Science only in 1912 and 1928. It is to the classical
international lawyers that we must look in the first place for any
body of international theory before the twentieth century.
It is worth asking where else international theory is found. We
might answer in four kinds of writing: (a) Those whom Nys called
the irenists-Erasmus, Sully, Campanella, Cruce, Penn, the Abb6
de St. Pierre, and Pierre-Andr6 Gargaz. When Melian Stewall wrote
a book on The Growth of International Thought for the Home
University Library, writers of this kind provided her central line
of progress from the Truce of God to the Kellogg Pact. But it is
hard to consider them as other than the curiosities of political litera-
ture. They are not rich in ideas; the best of them grope with the
problem of how to secure common action between sovereign States,
and thus gain a mention in the prehistory of the League of Nations.
(b) Those whom it is convenient to’ call the Machiavellians: the
succession of writers on raison d’itat of who~m Meinecke is the great
1 G. Butler and S. Maccoby, The Development of International Law, p. 7.
2 Oeuvres. ix. 120-1.
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37
interpreter. In a footnote about the followers of Botero, Meinecke
says, &dquo; There are real catacombs of forgotten literature here by
mediocrities &dquo;.1 He does not so mean it, but one suspects that- the
phrase will cover all the writers in his own book apart from those
who are notable in another sphere, whether as statesmen, like
Frederick, or as philosophers, like Hegel, or as historians, like
Ranke and Treitschke. Bolero, and Boccalini, Henri de Rohan and
Gabriel Naud6, Courtilz de Sandras and Rousset: can we see in
them forgotten or potential classics? One difficulty in answering
is that they are inaccessible except to the scholar, and this perhaps
itself conveys the answer.
(c) The parerga of political philosophers, philosophers and
historians. As examples of this kind might be named Hume’s.
Essay on &dquo; The Balance of Power &dquo;, Rousseau’s Project of
Perpetual Peace, Bentham’s Plan for an Universal Peace, Burke’s
Thoughts on French Affairs and Letters on a Regicide Peace,
Ranke’s essay on the Great Powers, and J. S. Mill’s essay on the
law of nations. Apart from the classical international lawyers, these
are the most rewarding source in the quest for international theory.
Is it more interesting that so many great minds have been drawn, at
the margin of their activities, to consider basic problems of inter-
national politics, or that more great minds have not been drawn to
make these problems their central interest? The only political
philosopher who has turned wholly from political theory to inter-
national theory is Burke. The only political philosopher of whom
it is possible to argue whether his principal interest was not in the
relations between States rather than-or even more than-the State
itself, is Machiavelli. With him, the foreign and domestic tondi-
tions for the establishment and maintenance of state power are not
distinguished systematically; and this alone-without other reasons.
-would have justified his being annexed, by detractors and
admirers alike, as the tutelary hero of International Relations. In
this class, again, it would be necessary to place such miscellaneous
political writers as Bolingbroke, whose Letters on the Study and
Use af History contain a primitive philosophy of international
politics, or Mably, whose Principes des Négociations is one of the
more enduring pieces of his large output, or the Gentz of Fragments
o~n the Balance of Porrver.
(d) The speeches, despatches, memoirs and essays of statesmen
and diplomatists. To illustrate speeches and despatches as a source
of international theory, one might cite the authority of Canning
over a generation of British foreign policy-for instance, the classic
despatch of 1823 containing his doctrine of guarantees. To illus-
trate memoirs, Bismarck’s Gedanken und Erinnerungen, perhaps the
supreme example. To illustrate essays, Lord Salisbury’s early essays
on foreign affairs in the Quarterly Review.
It is clear, therefore, that international theory, or what there is
1 F. Meinecke, Machiavellism (English translation), p. 67 n.1.
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38
of it, is scattered, unsystematic, and mostly inaccessible to’ the
layman. Moreover, it is largely repellent and intractable in form.
Gro~tins has to be read at large to be understood; the only possible
extract is the Prolegomena, which gives a pallid notion of whether
or why he deserves his reputation. Students cannot be expected to
tackle Pufendorf’s De jure naturae et gentium libri octo, nor even his
De o
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